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The  Peace  Problem 

The  Task  of  the  Twentieth 
Century 


By 
FREDERICK  LYNCH 


Author  of  '-''The  Enlargement  of  Life  " 
'■Is  Life  Worth  Living"  etc. 


«, 


With  an  Introduction  by 
ANDREW  CARNEGIE 


New    York       Chicago       Toronto 
Fleming  H.    Revell  Company 

London  and  Edinburgh 


Copyright,   1911,  by 
FLEMING  H.  REVELL  COMPANY 


New  York:  158  Fifth  Avenue 
Chicago:  80  Wabash  Avenue 
Toronto:  25  Richmond  Street,  W. 
London:  21  Paternoster  Square 
Edinburgh:      100    Princes    Street 


J>- 


This  book  is  dedicated 
to 
^  ALBERT  K.  SMILEY 

^  as  an   appreciation  of  his 

-\(^  untiring  efforts  in  the  cause 

of  internatio7ial  good-will 

and 

as  a  tribute  of  personal 
gratitude  for  his  many  in- 
stances of  kindly  hospitality 


2113S9 


INTRODUCTION 

IHAV  red  this  book  from  beginning  to 
end  with  interest  and  profit.  The  record 
is  truthfully  told  and  we  see  beyond  all 
question  that  the  path  of  man  is  ever  upward 
and  onward,  so  that  just  as  he  has  abolisht 
cannibalism  and  no  longer  eats  his  fellows,  or 
tortures,  burns  or  slays  his  prisoners,  and  has 
abolisht  private  war  (duelling)  in  English- 
speaking  lands,  so  the  killing  of  man  by  man 
in  international  war  is  as  certain  to  follow  as 
the  sun  is  to  shine,  and  nations,  like  indi- 
viduals, are  to  settle  their  disputes  in  courts 
of  justice,  neither  man  nor  nations  sitting  as 
judges  in  their  own  cause. 

The  author  pays  to  President  Taft  no  un- 
due credit,  for  he  was  first  among  rulers  to 
unfurl  the  banner  of  unrestricted  international 
judicial  arbitration  of  disputes, — and  thou- 
sands of  years  hence  his  will  be  one  of  the 
few  names  posterity  will  still  preserv  as  the 
man  of  our  century  or  of  all  centuries,  who 
did  most  to  banish  the  last,  but  the  foulest, 
blot  upon  our  so-cald  civilization,  provided 

[5] 


Introduction 


he  stands  as  Lincoln  did,  devoted  to  the 
cause  he  has  made  his  own,  of  which  the 
writer  entertains  not  one  shadow  of  dout. 

I  hope  large  editions  of  this  book  will  be 
circulated  by  our  peace  organizations  among 
those  we  can  interest  in  the  noblest  of  all 
causes,  the  abolition  of  the  savage  practise  of 
men  killing  each  other  like  wild  beasts. 


[6] 


CONTENTS 


I.  The  Task  of  the  Twentieth  Cen- 

tury   

II.  All  the  World  in  One  Room 

III.  The  Substitution  of  Reason  for 

Force 

IV.  The  United  World  Against  the 

Common  Foes     . 

V.  International  Hospitality 

VI.  Many   Other  Signs  of  the  New 

Unity 

VII.  The  Obstacles  in  the  Way 

VIII.  The  Immediate  Task     . 


9 
15 

29 

44 
67 

81 
100 

113 


[7] 


The  Peace  Problem 


THE  TASK  OF  THE  TWENTIETH  CENTURY 

THE  nineteenth  century  was  one  of 
national  development.  It  was  a  pe- 
riod of  nations  finding  themselves. 
Germany  passed  from  a  group  of  scattered 
and  unrelated  states  into  a  powerful  and  uni- 
fied empire.  Her  industrial  development  has 
been  marvellous.  The  spirit  of  nationality 
has  spread  throughout  the  empire  and  the 
Fatherland  stands  a  great,  compact  organ- 
ism, one  in  spirit  and  one  in  purpose.  Japan 
is  another  illustration,  one  of  the  most  signifi- 
cant of  all,  because  of  the  rapidity  with  which 
the  national  development  has  proceeded.  At 
the  beginning  of  the  last  century  an  unheard 
of,  unambitious,  uninfluential,  dormant  na- 
tion ;  during  the  century  she  has  become  a 
great,  industrial  centre,  awake  to  the  best 
learning  of  the  world,  a  military  power  of 
first  rank,  a  leader  in  the  great  East,  with  a 
constitutional    government   bordering   upon 

[9] 


The  Peace  Problem 

democracy.  It  is  needless  to  refer  to  our 
land.  From  a  little  handful  of  jealous  states 
bordering  on  the  eastern  ocean  it  has  become 
the  great  republic  of  the  world,  one  and  in- 
divisible. It  has  worked  out  the  problem  of 
democracy  ;  at  least  to  that  point  that  democ- 
racy is  shown  to  be  the  political  theory  of  the 
future.  It  has  been  developing  its  national 
resources,  building  railroads,  founding  schools 
and  colleges,  and  solidifying  its  vast  interests. 
It  has  passed  through  great  struggles,  but 
it  not  only  has  saved  itself  but  has  made 
a  union  which  in  many  respects  is  the  model 
for  the  world.  It  has,  every  year,  received 
many  hundreds  of  thousands  of  aliens,  coming 
from  every  conceivable  form  of  government 
and  no  government,  of  every  religion,  race, 
ideal,  colour,  tongue,  and  has  succeeded,  with 
phenomenal  success,  considering  the  circum- 
stances, in  moulding  them  over  into  Ameri- 
can citizens  and  unifying  them  all  into  a 
nation  which,  while  in  composition  the  most 
heterogeneous  on  the  earth,  in  spirit  is  as 
homogeneous  as  any.  What  has  been  true 
of  these  nations  has  been  true  of  all.  The 
nineteenth  century  was  one  of  national  de- 
velopment. 

[lO] 


Task  of  the  Twe?iticth  Ce?itury 


The  twentieth  century,  which  we  have  just 
entered,  is  to  be  one  of  international  develop- 
ment. What  has  happened  in  countries,  with 
states,  is  to  happen,  at  least  in  spirit,  in  the 
world,  with  nations.  While  we  might  not 
venture  to  say  with  some  prophets  that  the 
end  of  the  twentieth  century  will  witness  the 
United  Nations  of  the  World,  as  the  end  of  the 
nineteenth  century  witnessed  a  perfected 
United  States  of  America,  no  one  who  has 
closely  observed  the  movements  gathering 
greatest  headway  at  the  beginning  of  this 
century  can  fail  to  see  that  the  century  is 
to  witness  a  somewhat  similar  unifying  proc- 
ess among  the  nations  to  that  which  the 
nineteenth  century  witnessed  among  the 
states.  As  the  states  turned  from  state  ag- 
grandizement, regardless  of  other  states,  to 
consider  the  common  welfare  of  the  nation, 
so  the  nations  of  the  world  are  going  to 
drop  their  policies  of  isolation  for  one  of 
common  purpose  and  welfare.  As  the  states 
abandoned  their  habit  of  going  to  war  over 
their  disputes,  and  established  a  supreme 
court  of  states  at  Washington,  w^here  now^  all 
differences  are  settled  by  arbitration,  so  the 
nations  are  going  less  and  less  to  make  war 


The  Peace  Proble 


m 


upon  each  other,  and  to  establish  a  su- 
preme court  of  nations  at  which  all  their  dis- 
putes will  be  settled  by  arbitration.  As  the 
states  have  developed  a  large  parliament 
or  congress  of  states  at  Washington,  made 
up  of  delegates  from  all  the  states,  which 
makes  laws  for  the  states  and  debates  ques- 
tions affecting  all  the  states,  yet  each  state 
keeps  its  own  congress,  or  parliament,  or  as- 
sembly, so  the  nations  will  develop  a  great 
parliament  of  nations,  which  shall  pass  laws 
affecting  all  the  nations  and  shall  debate 
questions  of  interest  to  all  while  each  nation 
retains  its  own  parliament.  Indeed,  as  we 
shall  see  in  a  moment,  this  parliament  of  man, 
in  a  sense,  has  already  been  realized  in  the 
Second  Hague  Conference  of  1907.  And  just 
as  the  states  have  learned  to  hold  unofficial 
conferences  to  consider  the  welfare  of  the 
nation,  as  witness  the  recent  conference  of  all 
the  governors  at  Washington,  and  just  as  all 
state,  religious,  philanthropic,  and  scientific, 
organizations  hold  national  conferences,  so 
the  officials  of  the  nations  and  the  national  or- 
ganizations, religious  and  secular,  are  going 
more  and  more  to  hold  unofficial,  international 
conferences  and  congresses ;  and  just  as  in 

[12] 


Task  of  the  Twentieth  Century 

the  nation  we  have  all  of  us  come  to  that 
point  where  we  do  not  think  of  ourselves  as 
citizens  of  our  state  so  much  as  citizens  of 
the  United  States,  so  the  twentieth  century 
will  witness  a  growth  of  the  sense  of  inter- 
national citizenship — a  sense  of  belonging- 
to  the  great,  closely-knit  brotherhood  of  as- 
piring man,  which  if  not  as  deep-rooted  as 
our  sense  of  national  citizenship  will  closely 
approximate  to  it.  This  sense  of  world  citi- 
zenship is  already  not  unknown  among  the 
prophets.  And  just  as  the  states  have  be- 
come big  enough  in  their  sympathies  to  de- 
sire for  all  the  other  states  what  they  desire 
for  themselves  and  to  erect  no  barriers  be- 
tween state  and  state,  and  to  bear  upon  their 
hearts  supremely  the  welfare  of  the  nation,  so 
the  twentieth  century  will  witness  the  nations 
foregoing  the  old  selfish  policies  of  isolation, 
and  striving  altogether  for  one  common  wel- 
fare and  achievement,  in  a  federation  which 
shall  insure  justice,  right  understanding,  and 
happiness  for  all. 

It  is  the  purpose  of  this  book  to  bring  to 
attention  certain  happenings  of  this  century, 
hardly  yet  begun,  which  show  how  irresist- 
ible  and  inevitable  this  movement  towards 

[13] 


The  Peace  Proble 


m 


international  development  and  federation  of 
the  nations  already  is.  When,  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  century,  Mr,  W.  T.  Stead  wrote 
his  prophetic  book,  "  The  Americanization  of 
the  World,"  everybody  praised  the  brilliancy 
of  the  book,  the  daring  prophecy  in  its  pages, 
but  no  one  believed.  Only  ten  years  have 
passed,  and  all  who  are  watching  the  hap- 
penings of  the  world  not  only  now  feel  its 
probability,  but  cannot  help  noting  that  it  is 
to  be  the  real  trend  and  task  of  the  century. 
Everything  is  setting  that  way.  A  calendar 
of  the  events  of  only  one  year,  the  year  1909, 
making  for  the  federation  and  peace  of  the 
world,  was  recently  prepared  and  in  it  are 
entered  fifty  great  events.  In  fact  almost 
every  great  event  of  1909  was  of  an  interna- 
tional nature.  So  significant  were  these 
events  of  just  one  year,  so  many  were  they, 
that  we  could  largely  confine  ourselves  to  a 
consideration  of  them,  and  by  one  year  alone 
show  the  remarkable  trend  of  this  century  to 
be  international  unity  as  the  trend  of  the  last 
century  was  national  unity. 


[■4] 


II 

ALL  THE  WORLD  IN  ONE  ROOM 

THERE  are  several  great  movements 
characteristic  of  our  century,  which, 
although  the  century  has  seen  ten 
years  only,  have  already  become  so  common 
that  they  are  printed  almost  without  head- 
lines in  the  papers,  and  have  within  them 
such  international  significance  that  not  only 
are  they  signs  of  and  help  towards  the 
federation  of  the  world,  but  are  already 
actual  realization  of  world  unity  and  federa- 
tion. The  most  outstanding  of  these  is  the 
Second  Hague  Conference.  For  there  we 
have  all  the  world  in  one  room  at  last. 

It  is  very  significant  that  the  century 
should  have  been  ushered  in  by  half  the 
world  in  one  room.  For  the  First  Hague 
Conference  came  just  as  the  new  century 
was  about  to  be  born — on  May  i8,  1899.  It 
was  called  by  the  Tzar  of  Russia,  but  he  was 
simply  acting  as  the  voice  of  the  world. 
The  time  had  come.  It  was  almost  as  if 
Providence    wanted    to    dedicate    the    new 

[15] 


The  Peace  Problem 

century  to  this  new  thing.  For  some  years 
the  Tzar  had  been  brooding  over  the  grow- 
ing burden  of  armaments  and  the  menace 
of  militarism  in  Europe.  Then  came  Jean 
de  Bloch's  great  book,  "The  Future  of  War," 
showing  the  cost  and  misery  of  wars  of  the 
future.  The  Tzar  became  so  interested  that 
in  1896  he  sent  a  special  commissioner  to 
Budapest  to  the  meeting  of  the  Inter-Parlia- 
mentary Union.  The  report  was  so  sanguine 
that  the  Tzar  called  the  First  Hague  Con- 
ference. The  call  sent  a  thrill  throughout 
the  world.  Many  were  sceptical,  but  the 
prophets  saw  the  beginning  of  a  new  era. 
They  knew  this  century  was  to  witness  the 
unification  of  the  world.  The  conference  in 
itself  really  accomplished  much,  although  it 
was  the  first  of  such  gatherings  and  met 
with  no  distinct  idea  of  just  what  it  was  to 
do.  It  immediately  resolved  itself  into  three 
committees,  one  on  new  rules  of  warfare,  one 
on  arbitration,  one  on  disarmament.  The 
committee  on  disarmament  could  not  come 
to  any  agreement  and  the  conference  accom- 
plished nothing  in  this  regard.  But  in  the 
other  two  points  it  took  great  steps  forward. 
Three    declarations    were    made    regarding 

[16] 


All  the  IF^orld  in  One  Roo?n 

rules  of  warfare,  but  the  great  legacy  of  the 
First  Hague  Conference  was  the  convention 
in  sixty-one  articles,  for  the  Pacific  Settlement 
of  International  Controversies.  This  called 
for  the  creation  of  a  Permanent  International 
Court  of  Arbitration,  the  special  mediation  be- 
tween warring  nations  of  neutral  powers,  and 
International  Commissions  of  Inquiry  in  cases 
where  disputes  chiefly  concerned  facts.  Sev- 
eral of  the  nations  present  endeavoured  to  get 
suggestions  for  a  general  system  of  arbitra- 
tion incorporated,  but  it  was  too  soon.  But 
what  an  omen  it  was  of  the  new  century  that 
half  the  world  should  be  together  debating 
world  unity.  Thus  the  mind  of  all  the  world 
was  turned  in  this  direction  at  the  beginning. 
The  nations  went  home  to  continue  the  work 
and  up  to  the  meeting  of  the  Second  Confer- 
ence, nine  years  after,  the  new  principles 
were  before  the  world.  It  was  not  long 
before  twenty-two  of  the  nations  had  ap- 
proved the  conventions  and  appointed  their 
delegates  to  the  Permanent  International 
Tribunal.  Each  nation  was  allowed  four 
members  in  the  tribunal.  A  Permanent 
Bureau  was  established  at  The  Hague  under 
the  control  of  the  ministers  of  the  nations  at 

[17] 


The    Peace  Proble 


m 


the  Netherlands.  After  a  while  the  corner- 
stone was  laid  of  a  magnificent  palace  for 
the  housing  of  the  court,  which  was  pre- 
sented by  Andrew  Carnegie.  As  we  shall 
see  later,  cases  were  soon  sent  to  this  tri- 
bunal, the  United  States  having  sent  the  first 
one.  The  fact  of  the  tribunal  being  in 
existence  has  prevented  wars,  as  in  the  case 
of  Russia  and  Great  Britain  over  the  North 
Sea  incident.  The  clause  on  the  usefulness 
of  the  intervention  of  neutral  powers  made 
it  possible  \ol  President  Roosevelt  to  inter- 
fere between  Russia  and  Japan.  Best  of  all 
a  new  habit  of  thought  began  to  take  posses- 
sion of  the  world. 

The  First  Hague  Conference  was  a  happy 
augury.  But  the  great  thing  of  the  new  cen- 
tury is,  as  we  remarked,  that  in  its  first  dec- 
ade, in  1907,  all  the  world  was  in  one  room. 
For  only  four  nations,  and  they  insignificant, 
and  at  the  time  full  of  internal  problems,  were 
absent,  Costa  Rica,  Honduras,  Abyssinia,  and 
Liberia.  When  the  writer  reached  The  Hague 
upon  a  Friday  afternoon  he  found  an  invita- 
tion awaiting  him  for  a  reception  to  be  given 
by  the  delegates  from  the  United  States  to 
the  delegates  from  the  other  nations.     He  at- 

[18] 


All  the  Woi'ld  in  One  Room 


tended  the  reception,  which  occurred  at  the 
Palace  Hotel,  Schevenningen,  and  there  he 
saw  what  had  never  before  been  seen  by  any- 
one in  the  long  history  of  the  world.  For  the 
first  time  in  human  history  all  the  world  was 
in  one  room.  This  in  itself  was  worth  all  the 
Second  Hague  Conference  cost,  and  this  alone 
would  have  marked  a  great  step  forward  in 
the  history  of  the  world.  These  delegates 
from  every  land  were  in  the  same  room  for 
four  months,  considering  all  this  time  the 
things  that  make  for  world  unity,  and  inter- 
national peace.  Had  they  done  nothing  but 
confer,  that  would  have  been  of  great  value, 
for  it  would  have  prepared  the  way  for  other 
conferences,  as  it  did  in  this  case. 

But  the  Second  Hague  Conference  made 
some  very  definite  and  momentous  steps 
towards  world  unity.  It  passed  fourteen  con- 
ventions, every  one  of  which  cemented  the 
ties  of  the  nations  in  more  or  less  degree  and 
brought  federation  nearer.  Here  are  the 
most  important  of  these  conventions. 

The  First  Convention  or  Resolution  as  we 
in  America  would  say,  enlarged  the  scope  of 
the  Convention  of  the  First  Hague  Conference 
of  1899  for  Pacific  Settlement  of  International 

[19] 


The  Peace  Proble 


m 


Disputes.  Where  the  convention  of  1899  said 
that  intervention  of  neutral  powers  might  be 
useful  in  times  of  belligerency  between  two 
nations,  the  Conference  of  1907  added  the 
word  desirable.  This  addition  was  no  doubt 
suggested  to  the  nations  by  the  success  of 
President  Roosevelt's  intervention  in  the  war 
between  Russia  and  Japan,  just  as  that  was 
made  possible  by  the  convention  adopted  by 
the  First  Hague  Conference.  This  First  Con- 
vention also  provides  that  of  two  powers  in  a 
dispute  either  one  may  go  to  The  Hague  Court 
and  demand  arbitration  even  if  the  other  power 
does  not  agree  to  ask  arbitration.  Previously 
both  powers  party  to  the  dispute  had  to  agree 
before  the  arbitration  could  be  asked.  Now 
one  can  put  its  case  before  the  public  opinion 
of  the  world,  so  to  speak,  even  though  the 
other  has  refused  to  arbitrate.  One  of  the 
leading  delegates  to  the  Second  Conference 
has  said  that  he  doubts  if  any  nation  would  be 
either  able  or  willing  to  defy  this  public  opin- 
ion if  its  enemy  had  demanded  arbitration. 

The  Second  Convention  was  one  of  far- 
reaching  consequence  flowing  from  the  bill  in- 
troduced by  General  Horace  Porter,  the  dele- 
gate of  the  United  States,  referring  to  the  col- 

[20] 


All  the  Wo7^ld  i?i  One  Room 


lecting  of  contractual  debts.  It  provides  that 
the  powers  shall  not  have  resource  to  armed 
force  to  collect  debts  which  a  country  claims 
are  due  to  some  of  its  citizens,  until  an  of^er 
of  arbitration  properly  made  has  either  been 
refused  or  ignored.  If  arbitration  is  accepted 
the  judgment  is  also  to  determine  whether 
the  claim  is  well  founded  or  not.  The  sig- 
nificance of  this  convention  will  be  compre- 
hended only  when  we  remember  how  many 
wars  of  the  past  have  arisen  over  these  con- 
tractual debts.  More  than  one  sociologist 
has  expressed  the  opinion  that  this  one  con- 
vention has  put  one-fourth  of  future  wars  be- 
yond the  realm  of  possibility. 

The  Ninth  Convention  forbids  the  bom- 
bardment of  or  the  laying  of  tribute  on  unforti- 
fied towns.  This  not  only  reduces  the  area  of 
wars  but  makes  any  government  hesitate  to 
enter  upon  wars  with  the  object  of  pillage 
which  has  played  a  large  part  in  the  wars  of 
the  past,  and  the  promise  of  which  has  been 
as  fuel  to  flames  already  lit  by  other  motives. 

TheTwelfth  Convention  was  a  great  gain  for 
internationalism,  in  the  provision  for  an  Inter- 
national Prize  Court.  Hereafter,  instead  of  a 
court  of  the  nation  which  has  captured  the 

[21] 


The  Peace  Proble 


m 


prizes,  deciding  whether  the  capture  is  just  or 
not,  an  impartial  court,  made  up  of  other  pow- 
ers, is  to  pronounce  upon  it.  This  has  always 
been  a  cause  of  much  friction  between  nations, 
often  involving  other  nations  in  a  war  which 
was  being  waged  between  only  two.  Thus  a 
great  cause  of  animosity  is  removed.  But 
best  of  all  it  extends  the  principle  of  interna- 
tionalism into  a  new  and  wide  field.  Here,  as 
has  so  often  happened  in  history,  the  framers 
of  this  convention  were  building  infinitely 
greater  than  they  knew,  for  after  much  ear- 
nest but  ineffectual  striving  for  some  method 
of  constituting  a  permanent  court  of  arbitral 
justice,  such  as  the  Second  Conference  unan- 
imously voted  was  desirable,  the  Secretary  of 
State  of  the  United  States  has  recommended 
that  the  powers  of  this  prize  court  be  extended 
to  cover  all  international  disputes,  and,  as  we 
shall  see  later,  his  recommendations  are  meet- 
ing with  very  gratifying  response  from  all  the 
powers  to  which  they  have  been  submitted. 
Except  for  the  lesser  the  greater  could  not 
have  come  so  easily. 

These  are  the  four  great  conventions.  But 
the  other  ten  are  of  much  greater  significance 
than  the  world  has  seemed  to  realize.     Ihny 

[22] 


All  the  World  i?i  One  Room 

step  at  all  in  international  good-will  is  a 
great  step,  because  it  makes  the  next  step 
possible  and  because  it  fosters  the  world 
habit  of  thought.  ,  These  remaining  ten  re- 
late to  the  regulation  of  warfare  on  sea  and 
land,  the  inviolability  of  neutral  powers  and 
of  postal  correspondence,  the  necessity  of 
declaring  the  intention  of  entering  upon  a 
war  before  beginning  it,  the  dropping  of  ex- 
plosives from  balloons,  etc.  They  are  all 
distinct  gains  because  they  are  all  along  the 
line  of  mercy  and  the  protection  of  both 
those  engaged  and  those  unengaged  in  the 
actual  conflict.  They  all  call  for  more  and 
more  international  cooperation. 

Yet,  after  all  this  has  been  said,  it  was  the 
untabulated  results  of  the  conference,  the  as- 
pirations voiced,  the  vociix  passed,  but  not 
embodied  in  conventions,  the  work  begun 
but  not  finished,  the  things  laid  out  for  future 
conferences  to  do,  that  were  the  great  results 
of  the  meeting  of  the  nations.  /-The  historian, 
a  hundred  years  hence,  will  point  to  the  be- 
ginning of  this  century  as  one  of  the  turning 
points  in  civilization,  if  only  because  all  the 
nations  committed  themselves  to  the  idea  of 
a  Permanent  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice.     Fcx' 

[23]  ^ 


The  Peace  Proble 


m 


the  Second  Hague  Conference  voted  unan- 
imously on  this  point.  We  should  have  had 
the  court  to-day  except  for  the  fact  that  the 
nations  could  not  agree  upon  the  method  of 
its  constitution.  Naturally  the  great  powers 
desired  proper  representation  upon  its  bench. 
But  the  South  American  states  contended 
eagerly  for  the  principle  of  the  moral  equality 
of  all  states,  and  insisted  on  the  same  right 
of  representation  upon  the  court.  But  equal 
representation  from  all  nations  would  make 
a  parliament  or  legislature,  not  a  court. 
The  constituting  of  the  court  thus  offered  in- 
surmountable difficulties  for  the  conference. 
It  adjourned  committed  to  the  plan,  and  with 
the  intention  of  studying  methods  of  constitu- 
tion so  that  the  Third  Conference  might  find  it 
an  actuality  or  make  it  such.  How  sincere  the 
conference  was  in  this  regard  is  seen  in  the 
fact  that  the  present  Secretary  of  State,  as  we 
have  seen,  has  already  sent  an  identic  note 
to  the  great  powers,  suggesting  that  the 
powers  which  have  agreed  upon  a  Prize 
Court  constitute  a  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice 
whether  the  other  nations  of  the  world  join 
them  or  not.  It  is  believed  that  these  other 
nations   will   be   glad   to    join,    indeed,  will 

[24] 


All  the  World  in  One  Room 

actually  be  compelled  to  join  by  the  world- 
feeling.  At  this  writing  the  outlook  for  this 
court  is  most  promising.  At  the  Sixteenth 
Annual  Lake  Mohonk  Conference  of  Inter- 
national Arbitration,  Mr.  James  Brown  Scott, 
who  was  legal  adviser  to  the  delegates  from 
the  United  States  to  the  Second  Hague  Con- 
ference, and  is  now  solicitor  for  the  State 
Department,  uttered  these  significant  words  : 

"The  Secretary  of  State,  the  Hon.  Philan- 
der C.  Knox,  authorizes  and  directs  me  to  say 
officially  that  the  responses  to  the  identic  cir- 
cular note  have  been  so  favourable,  and  mani- 
fest such  a  willingness  and  desire  on  the  part 
of  the  leading  nations  to  constitute  a  Court  of 
Arbitral  Justice,  that  he  believes  a  truly  per- 
manent Court  of  Arbitral  Justice,  composed  of 
judges  acting  under  a  sense  of  judicial  respon- 
sibility, representing  the  various  judicial  sys- 
tems of  the  world  and  capable  of  insuring  the 
continuity  of  arbitral  jurisprudence,  will  be  es- 
tablished in  the  immediate  future,  and  that  the 
Third  Peace  Conference  will  find  it  in  success- 
ful operation  at  The  Hague." 

It  had  been  generally  hoped  that  the 
Second  Hague  Conference  would  be  able 
to  pass  a  general  treaty  of  obligatory 
arbitration,  wherein  all  the  nations  would 
agree  to  submit  certain  classes  of  disputes,  at 

[25] 


The  Peace  Problem 

least,  to  the  arbitration  of  a  tribunal.  While 
the  failure  to  pass  such  a  treaty  was  a  disap- 
pointment to  many,  yet  the  progress  the  con- 
ference actually  made  in  this  regard  was 
really  remarkable  when  one  considers  how 
new  the  idea  is  to  many  nations,  how  scep- 
tical Germany  has  been  of  the  idea,  until  re- 
cently, and  what  emphasis  the  conference 
really  did  lay  on  arbitration  after  all.  For, 
in  the  first  place,  thirty-five  out  of  the  forty- 
four  nations  present  voted  in  favour  of  the 
general  treaty.  Most  of  the  nine  nations  not 
voting  for  it  would  have  done  so,  had  not 
Germany  stood  out  against  it.  But  Ger- 
many was  careful  to  clear  herself  against  any 
imputation  of  not  endorsing  the  principle  of 
arbitration,  for  she  explicitly  declared  that 
while  she  did  not  think  it  wise  to  involve 
herself  in  a  general  treaty  with  some  small 
and  weak  nations  which  she  deemed  irre- 
sponsible, she  endorsed  the  principle  and 
stood  ready  to  conclude  treaties  with  other 
nations  at  once.  Thus  at  the  beginning  of 
this  century  we  find  thirty-five  of  the  nations 
voting  for  a  general  treaty  of  arbitration,  all 
the  nations  of  the  world  endorsing  the  prin- 
ciple and  ready  to  conclude  treaties  in  pairs, 

[26] 


All  the  JFoi^ld  in  One  Room 

and  for  several  weeks  the  whole  world  con- 
cerned with  the  discussion  of  arbitration 
rather  than  war.  Some  of  us  even  feel  that 
the  prospects  of  getting  so  many  more  ques- 
tions included  in  the  treaty  which  will  proba- 
bly be  passed  in  the  Third  Conference  are  so 
bright,  since  President  Taft  has  declared  him- 
self in  favour  of  including  all  questions,  even 
so-called  questions  of  vital  honour  in  arbitra- 
tion treaties,  that  it  is  perhaps  just  as  well 
that  the  general  treaty  was  not  concluded, 
although  all  the  nations  endorsed  it. 

Some  one  has  said  that  the  greatest  thing 
the  Second  Hague  Conference  did  was  to 
vote  for  a  Third  Conference.  In  a  sense  this 
is  true.  In  voting  for  its  permanency  and 
continuation  it  constituted  a  permanent 
world-legislative  body.  We  already  have 
the  "  Parliament  of  Man,"  which  Tennyson 
prophesied  and  the  beginning  of  the  Federa- 
tion of  the  World.  The  Permanent  Court 
will  be  that  much  of  the  world  federated  as 
shall  be  represented  upon  it.  In  closing  this 
chapter  let  us  say  again  that  the  great  thing 
after  all  is  that  the  century  opens  with  all  the 
world  in  one  room  considering  the  task  of 
the  twentieth  century,  namely  the  federation 

[27] 


The   Peace  Problem 


of  the  nations.  The  very  fact  that  these  men 
of  every  race  and  country  were  together  on 
such  intimate  terms  for  so  long  a  time,  has 
done  much  to  turn  the  current  of  men's 
thoughts  and  feeUngs.  Nations  understand 
one  another  better  now.  Europe  discovered 
South  America  for  the  first  time.  It  was  a 
great  thing  to  bring  South  America  into  the 
concert  of  the  world.  The  music  played  was 
more  and  more  harmonious.  Many  preju- 
dices were  wiped  away,  and  angles  rubbed 
smooth  by  common  contact.  Nations  which 
came  suspicious  of  other  nations  went  away 
friends.  A  habit  of  peace-talk  instead  of 
war-talk  was  formed.  It  has  grown  and  will 
grow  even  on  to  the  Third  Conference  when 
much  more  will  be  accomplished.  It  has  de- 
clared the  task  of  the  twentieth  century  to 
the  world. 


[28] 


Ill 

THE  SUBSTITUTION  OF  REASON  FOR  FORCE 

THE  second  group  of  facts  which  show 
not  only  that  this  trend  towards  in- 
ternational unity  is  going  on  in  our 
century  but  is  moving  with  most  incredible 
swiftness  is  the  unparallelled  signing  of  arbi- 
tration treaties.  The  writer  was  fortunate 
enough  to  visit  the  Franco-British  Exhibition 
in  London,  in  1908.  This  exhibition  itself 
was  held  to  celebrate  a  treaty  of  peace.  It 
was  arranged  by  the  French  and  English 
governments  in  celebration  of  the  treaty 
signed  by  them  in  1907,  called  the  ente^ile 
cordiale,  binding  England  and  France  to 
stand  together  for  the  Peace  of  Europe.  One 
of  the  most  conspicuous  features  of  the  exhi- 
bition was  a  great  map  of  the  world  hanging 
on  the  walls  of  the  main  building,  with  bright, 
red  lines  extending  from  nation  to  nation. 
At  first  the  writer  thought  these  lines  must  be 
steamboat  routes  or  cables,  but  then  he  no- 
ticed that  they  crossed  the  land  as  well  as 
seas,  and  extended  from  capital  to  capital. 

[29] 


The  Peace  Problem 

What  he  really  discovered  was  that  these 
lines  united  those  nations  between  which  ar- 
bitration treaties  existed,  and  the  map  was 
red  with  them.  Had  this  map  been  drawn 
in  the  nineteenth  century  there  would  not 
have  been  treaties  enough  to  have  made  it 
worth  while.  After  only  eight  years  of  the 
twentieth  century  there  were  over  sixty  of 
these  lines.  During  the  first  fifty  years  of  the 
last  century  very  little  was  heard  of  arbitra- 
tion. During  the  first  ten  years  of  the  twen- 
tieth century  ninety-si^  arbitration  treaties 
have  been  signed.'  All  previous  centuries 
have  witnessed  ten  wars  to  one  arbitration 
treaty.  The  first  ten  years  of  the  twentieth 
century  has  witnessed  fifty  treaties  to  one 
war^^  It  looks  as  though  this  were  going  to 
be  the  age  of  treaties  rather  than  the  age  of 
wars,  the  century  of  reason,  rather  than  the 
century  of  force.  And  every  treaty  is  a 
golden  band  uniting  nations  into  one. 

These  treaties  are  being  formed  so  rapidly 

'  For  a  list  of  these  treaties,  a  truly  remarkable  achievement 
in  ten  years,  see  the  interesting  jiamphlet,  "  International  Ar- 
bitration at  the  Opening  of  the  Twentieth  Century,"  by  Benja- 
min F.  Trueblood,  published  by  the  American  Peace  Society, 
Boston,  Mass, 

[30] 


Suhstitiitio?i  of  Reason  for  Force 

among  the  nations  of  the  earth  that  it  is  hard 
for  us  who  are  unaccustomed  to  these  new 
things  which  have  come  upon  us  so  suddenly 
to  appreciate  their  significance.  They  are 
signs  that  the  world  has  entered  upon  a  new 
era.  Of  course  the  two  meetings  of  The 
Hague  Conference  have  had  a  wonderful  ef- 
fect upon  the  concluding  of  these  treaties. 
Before  the  meeting  of  these  conferences,  and 
during  the  latter  part  of  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury, several  attempts  were  made  to  conclude 
such  treaties,  but  they  were  unavailing.  In 
1883,  for  instance,  attempts  were  made  to  se- 
cure a  treaty  between  Switzerland  and  the 
United  States.  Curiously  enough,  our  nation, 
which  now  leads  in  the  arbitration  movement, 
was  the  nation  to  reject  the  of^er,  it  having 
been  made  by  Switzerland.  At  the  Pan- 
American  Conference  in  1889-1890  a  general 
treaty  for  the  American  republics  was  drafted 
but  it  was  never  ratified.  Great  efforts  were 
made  by  Sir  Randall  Cremer  and  others, 
American  as  well  as  British  seers  and 
statesmen,  to  secure  a  treaty  between  Great 
Britain  and  the  United  States.  In  1897  Mr. 
Olney  and  Mr.  Paunceforte  signed  such  a 
treaty,  but  the  United  States  Senate  would 

[31] 


The  Peace   Problem 

not  ratify  it.  Other  attempts  were  made  be- 
tween other  nations,  but  failed.  It  was  the 
century  of  national  unification,  but  the  idea 
of  world  unity  had  not  yet  come,  in  force,  to 
our  statesmen.  But  after  The  Hague  Confer- 
ence, at  the  beginning  of  this  century,  all  this 
was  changed. 

As  we  saw  in  the  last  chapter,  while  the 
nations  at  The  Hague  could  not  quite  unani- 
mously agree  upon  a  general  treaty  of  obli- 
gatory arbitration,  they  unanimously  commit- 
ted themselves  to  the  arbitration  idea,  and 
pledged  themselves  to  conclude  treaties  among 
themselves.  We  must  also  remember  that 
thirty-four  nations  stood  ready  to  conclude  a 
general  treaty.  It  is  one  of  the  promising 
signs  of  the  times  that  the  nations  have  been 
true  to  their  expressed  endorsement  of  the 
principles,  and,  as  we  saw,  have  already  con- 
cluded ninety-six  in  this  century.  Our  own 
country,  under  the  able  leadership  of  that 
great  Secretary  of  State  and  peacemaker, 
Elihu  Root,  signed,  during  Mr.  Root's  term 
of  office,  twenty-four.  Treaties  with  France, 
Great  Britain,  Switzerland,  Norway,  Spain, 
Portugal,  Japan,  Denmark,  Italy,  Mexico,  Hol- 
land, Sweden,  China  and  Brazil  were  signed 

[32] 


Substitution  of  Reaso?i  for  Force 

by  our  government  in  1908  alone.  The  five 
Central  American  states,  Nicaragua,  Costa 
Rica,  Salvador,  Honduras,  and  Guatemala, 
signed  a  treaty  agreeing  to  refer  all  disputes 
arising  among  them  to  an  International 
Court  at  Cartago,  Costa  Rica,  since  changed 
to  San  Jose,  and  Andrew  Carnegie,  Esq.,  that 
prince  of  peacemakers,  has  erected  a  build- 
ing for  the  court.  A  home  for  the  Bureau  of 
American  Republics  has  recently  been  dedi- 
cated at  Washington — a  beautiful  marble 
building  costing  nearly  a  million  dollars,  also 
presented  by  Mr.  Carnegie.  By  common  ac- 
clamation it  is  always  referred  to  as  "  The 
Peace  Palace,"  and  a  great  part  of  the  work  of 
the  bureau  will  be  the  peaceful  settlement  of 
disputes  among  the  American  republics  in  con- 
formity with  arbitration  treaties  already  signed 
and  others  which  will  rapidly  be  signed. 

The  most  perfect  of  these  arbitration 
treaties  in  existence  is  the  one  made  between 
Chile  and  Argentina.  It  covers  all  disputes. 
In  1901,  a  dispute  arose  over  a  boundary 
line  high  up  in  the  Andes,  dividing  the  two 
nations.  Eighty  thousand  acres  of  land, 
containing  some  valuable  water  privileges, 
was  the  bone  of  contention.     Any  war  that 

[33] 


The   Peace  Proble 


m 


might  settle  it  would  cost  one  hundred  times 
more  than  the  land  was  worth  to  either 
nation.  But  nations  do  not  go  to  war  for 
values,  but  to  have  their  own  ways.  Prepa- 
rations for  war  began  between  these  two 
poor  and  overburdened  nations.  They  be- 
gan increasing  their  armaments  with  all 
speed  possible.  They  were  taxing  the  un- 
fortunate citizens  at  the  rate  of  five  dollars 
per  capita,  annually.  The  British  ministers 
residing  in  the  capitals  of  the  two  countries 
saw  the  absurdity  and  crime  of  such  a  war 
and  began  to  urge  upon  the  two  countries  a 
peaceable  settlement  of  the  claims.  The 
Bishop  of  San  Juan  de  Cuyo,  Argentina,  Dr. 
Marcoline  Benavente,  and  Dr.  Ramon  Angel 
Jara,  Bishop  of  San  Carlos  de  Ancud,  Chile, 
supported  the  British  ministers.  The  bishops 
travelled  throughout  their  respective  coun- 
tries pleading  with  the  people  to  calm  their 
revengeful  passions,  to  refrain  from  a  hor- 
rible and  criminal  war  that  would  not  settle 
which  nation  was  right,  but  only  which  was 
strongest  or  could  endure  the  longest,  to 
remember  that  all  were  brothers  and  of  the 
same  faith,  and  to  settle  their  difficulties  not 
by  the  shedding  of  blood,  but  in  the  spirit  of 

[34] 


Substitution  of  Reason  for  Force 

Christ.  When,  on  Easter  Sunday,  1900, 
Bishop  Benavente  was  making  such  appeals 
as  these  for  peace,  he  suggested  that  a  statue 
of  Christ  be  placed  high  up  on  the  Andes, 
on  the  boundary  line  of  the  two  nations, 
where  the  connecting  road  between  them 
crossed  the  summit.  The  women  of  the 
two  nations  greatly  aided  the  bishops 
and  British  ministers.  The  rulers  were 
touched  by  the  popular  feeling.  It  was 
agreed  to  submit  the  question  to  King 
Edward  for  arbitration.  He  chose  eminent 
jurists  and  scientists  who  went  thoroughly 
through  the  whole  question  and  eventually 
submitted  a  decision,  which  distributed  the 
land  between  the  two  nations.  Both  were 
perfectly  satisfied  and  were  so  pleased  with 
the  success  of  the  arbitration  that  they 
immediately  concluded  a  treaty  agreeing  to 
submit  all  disputes  to  arbitration  for  five 
years.  This  treaty,  signed  in  June,  1903,  is 
the  Jirst  arbitration  treaty  ever  concluded 
which  covers  all  cases. 

The  immediate  result  of  this  treaty  was 
that  the  money  which  had  already  begun  to 
flow  into  battle-ships  and  arsenals  was  now 
diverted    to    other    and   beneficial    sources. 

[35] 


The  Peace  Problem 

Technical  schools  were  founded,  harbours 
were  improved.  The  commercial  fleets  were 
enlarged,  and  good  roads  constructed.  Best 
of  all  a  great  trans-Andean  railroad  was  built, 
connecting  the  two  countries.  The  natural 
distrust  of  the  two  nations,  which  had  kept 
them  in  a  continual  broil  for  sixty  years, 
passed  away  with  the  signing  of  this  treaty. 
Then  Bishop  Benavente's  suggestion  of  the 
statue  of  Christ  on  the  boundary  line  was 
recalled  and  Sefiora  de  Costa,  president  of 
the  Christian  Mother's  Association  of  Buenos 
Ayres,  soon  collected  the  necessary  funds. 
The  statue  was  cast  at  the  arsenal  of  Buenos 
Ayres  from  old  cannon  taken  from  the 
ancient  fortress  outside  the  city.  When  the 
statue  was  finished  a  great  delegation  came 
from  Chile  to  Buenos  Ayres  and  there  was  a 
week's  festivities.  In  February,  1904,  the 
great  statue  was  hauled  up  the  mountains  on 
gun  carriages  and  with  the  delegates  from 
Chile  standing  in  Argentina  and  those  repre- 
senting Argentina  standing  in  Chile,  the 
statue  was  erected,  section  by  section,  to 
music,  and  dedicated  to  the  peace  of  the 
whole  world.  The  statue  of  Christ,  in  bronze, 
twenty-six  feet  high,  stands  on  a  great  globe 

[36] 


Substitiitio?t  of  Reason  for  Force 

of  the  world.  A  granite  shaft  holds  the 
globe  high  in  air.  The  Christ  holds  a  cross 
in  the  left  hand  while  the  right  hand  is 
stretched  out  in  blessing  over  the  world. 
On  the  base  is  a  bronze  tablet  with  these 
words:  "Sooner  shall  these  mountains 
crumble  into  dust  than  Argentines  and 
Chileans  break  the  peace  to  which  they  have 
pledged  themselves  at  the  feet  of  Christ  the 
Redeemer." 

We  have  told  this  story  at  length  because 
it  is  typical.  It  shows  the  new  spirit  that 
has  come  over  the  world.  It  is  as  much  an 
indication  of  the  direction  of  the  new  century 
as  was  the  meeting  of  all  the  world  at  The 
Hague,  and  the  establishing  of  a  permanent 
tribunal.  It  shows,  too,  the  practicability  of 
arbitration.  When  the  critic  says,  "Arbitra- 
tion will  not  work,"  we  say,  "  Look  at 
Argentina  and  Chile;  it  has  worked."  When 
the  critic  says,  "  You  cannot  settle  all  ques- 
tions by  arbitration,  you  must  except  those 
of  vital  honour,"  we  say,  "  Argentina  and 
Chile  have  agreed  to  settle  all  questions." 
Indeed  the  tendency  to  include  all  questions 
in  treaties  grows  stronger  and  stronger  since 
this    case    of    arbitration    worked    so    well. 

[37] 
211389 


The  Peace  Problem 

When,  in  1905,  Norway  and  Sweden  peace- 
fully separated,  they  drew  up  a  treaty  in 
which  they  agreed  to  submit  all  questions, 
excepting  those  involving  national  honour, 
to  arbitration,  but  they  inserted  the  proviso 
that  the  question  of  honour  should  also  be 
subject  to  the  arbitrators.  By  this  treaty, 
Norway  and  Sweden  are  saving  vast  sums 
of  money  for  social,  industrial  and  educa- 
tional benefit  that  otherwise  would  have 
been  put  into  armament.  (By  and  by  we 
shall  all  see  what  fools  we  are,  and  put  the 
millions  we  are  now  spending  on  great, 
useless  hulks,  with  which  to  fight  fancied 
enemies,  into  fighting  the  only  real  enemies 
any  nation  has  to-day,  corruption,  corporate 
greed,  tuberculosis^  typhoid,  saloons  and 
other  subtler  foes.  1  It  is  always  worth  re- 
membering that  the  money  spent  in  one 
battle-ship  would  build  a  Harvard  University 
and  then  leave  enough  to  build  a  Tuskeegee 
and  a  Hampton  Institute.  An  arbitration 
costs  perhaps  $1,000,000.  Mrs.  Lucia  Ames 
Mead  has  called  attention  to  the  fact  that 
"  Three  weeks  before  Paul  Kruger's  '  Ultima- 
tum' Joseph  Chamberlain,  British  Minister, 
refused  to  refer  the  difficulties  to  an  arbitration 

[38] 


Substitution  of  Reason  for  Force 

board  of  two  Dutch  and  three  British  chief 
justices.  Had  he  done  so,  England  would 
have  saved  three  years  of  bitterness,  a  set- 
back to  all  local  progress  and  reform,  and 
the  hatred  of  a  people  who  lost  20,000 
women  and  children  in  concentration  camps ; 
she  would  have  saved  $1,100,000,000,  which 
might  have  given  that  third  of  England's 
population  who  are  living  in  dire  poverty  on 
less  than  six  dollars  a  week  per  family  the 
following  things : 

"100  Old  People's  Homes  at  5 100, 000  each. 
1,000  Public  Playgrounds  at  $50,000  each. 
1,000  Public  Libraries  at  $50,000  each. 
1,000  Trade  Schools  at  $200,000  each. 

500  Hospitals  at  $200,000  each. 
3,000  Public  Schools  at  $100,000  each. 
150,000  Workingmen's  Houses  at  $2,000  each." 

Two  years  after  the  war,  England  was 
paying  $400,000  a  week  to  keep  up  her 
army  in  South  Africa,  while  one  quarter  of 
her  own  people  at  home  went  hungry. 

This  is  generally  the  difference  in  cost 
between  war  and  arbitration.  War  never 
settles  what  is  right,  but  only  who  is 
strongest.  The  nations  are  seeing  this  and 
the  treaties  increase.     Before  long  they  will 

[39] 


The  Peace  Proble 


m 


include  all  questions.  It  is  significant  that 
President  Taft  at  a  peace  society  dinner  in 
New  York  in  1910  should  say  that  he  saw  no 
reason  why  questions  of  so-called  honour 
should  not  be  included  in  arbitration  treaties. 
Meantime  we  should  remember  that  every 
one  of  these  partial  treaties  removes  a  large 
number  of  future  wars  out  of  the  range  of 
possibility.  And  not  only  this,  they  cover 
more  cases  than  are  written  in  the  text  of  the 
treaty.  For  where  these  treaties  leave 
certain  points,  such  as  questions  affecting 
vital  honour  or  interference  with  territorial 
boundaries,  untouched,  the  very  fact  that 
there  exists  an  arbitration  treaty  covering 
other  things  inclines  the  nations  to  consider 
arbitration  concerning  these  other  and  greater 
things  before  resorting  to  war.  And  since 
practically  every  case  covered  by  these 
treaties,  which  has  been  settled  by  arbitra- 
tion, has  convinced  the  nations  that  it  is  the 
more  excellent  way,  the  first  thought  is  to 
try  and  see  if  a  dispute  not  covered  by  them 
could  not  also  be  peacefully  adjusted.  Every 
treaty,  no  matter  how  limited,  turns  the 
thought  towards  peaceful  tribunals  and  sets 
a  habit.     So  that  the  one  hundred   treaties 

[40] 


Substitution  of  Reason  for  Force 

already  signed  in  this  century  have,  perhaps, 
removed  sixty  per  cent,  of  wars  out  of  the 
range  of  probability. 

Also,  before  passing  to  the  third  group  of 
signs  of  the  growing  brotherhood  of  nations, 
we  should  notice  that  many  friendly  com- 
pacts and  treaties,  not  exactly  arbitration 
treaties,  but  suggested  and  made  possible 
by  them,  are  being  drawn  up  in  our  day  and 
are  accomplishing  the  same  results  of 
cementing  nations  and  preventing  wars. 
Thus  during  1908  alone  these  things  hap- 
pened :  England  and  France  signed  a  treaty 
of  alliance,  an  entente  cordiale,  which  pledges 
them  to  stand  together  to  preserve  the  peace 
of  Europe.  When  one  remembers  that  there 
was  a  time  when  France  and  England  did 
nothing  but  fight  each  other,  when  such 
speeches  were  common  as  Bedford  makes  in 
"King  Henry  VI— Part  I,"  "Bonfires  in 
France  forthwith  I  am  to  make  " — and  after- 
wards "  Ten  thousand  soldiers  with  me  I  will 
take,  whose  bloody  deeds  shall  make  all 
Europe  quake,"  one  can  see  what  advance 
the  spirit  of  good-will  among  the  nations 
has  made.  The  two  nations  celebrated  this 
rapprochement    by    a    great    Franco- British 

[41] 


The    Peace  Pt^oblem 

exposition  in  London,  to  which  reference  has 
been  made.  A  treaty  was  signed  by  Russia, 
Great  Britain  and  Norway  making  Norway 
neutral  ground.  A  declaration  was  signed 
in  Berlin  by  Germany,  Denmark,  France, 
Great  Britain,  and  Sweden,  neutralizing  all 
land  bordering  on  the  North  Sea.  At  almost 
the  same  time  a  declaration  was  signed  in 
St.  Petersburg  by  Russia,  Germany,  Den- 
mark, and  Sweden  neutralizing  all  land  bor- 
dering on  the  Baltic  Sea.  An  agreement 
was  signed  by  the  United  States  and  Japan 
insuring  the  peace  of  the  Pacific — simply  a 
friendly  compact  of  the  two  nations  to  set 
weaker  nations  free  from  worry — a  thing 
that  would  have  been  impossible  in  the  last 
century,  as  also  would  have  been  impossible 
the  most  Christian  thing  the  United  States 
ever  did,  namely,  to  remit  $14,000,000  in- 
demnity which  China  owed,  awaking  in 
China  such  gratitude  that  she  sent  a  special 
delegate  of  highest  rank  to  personally  thank 
our  government,  and  has  begun  to  send  five 
hundred  students  a  year  to  study  in  American 
universities  on  the  income  of  this  sum.  All 
these,  and  seventeen  arbitration  treaties  were 
signed  in  1908  alone.     In  1808  nothing  was 

[42] 


Substitution  of  Reason  for  Force 

signed.  At  present  other  and  greater  treaties 
than  any  of  these  are  under  negotiation.  If 
ever  in  history  any  movement  grew  so  fast, 
or  if  any  century  of  moral  fulfillment  ever 
opened  with  such  auspicious  signs  we  do  not 
know  it.  If  achievements  signify  anything, 
this  century  should  not  be  far  advanced  be- 
fore there  will  be  a  general  arbitration  treaty 
of  all  civilized  nations  agreeing  to  refer  ali 
disputes  to  a  permanent  court. 


[43] 


IV 


THE  UNITED  WORLD  AGAINST  THE 
COMMON  FOES 

THESE  two  things  to  which  we  have 
referred  as  indications  of  rapidly 
growing  world  unity,  Hague  confer- 
ences and  arbitration  treaties,  are  official. 
They  are  the  direct  acts  of  nations  and  are 
participated  in  by  governments.  The  dele- 
gates represent  their  governments  somewhat 
as  an  ambassador  represents  his  nation 
abroad.  And  while  the  nation  has,  after- 
wards, to  ratify  what  its  delegate  votes  for  at 
The  Hague  Conference,  yet  the  delegate,  as 
he  speaks,  is  his  country  speaking  before  the 
world. 

But  there  is  another  kind  of  international 
gathering  becoming  bewilderingly  frequent, 
entirely  unofficial  in  its  nature,  which  is 
nevertheless  almost  as  indicative  of  coming 
international  oneness  and  world  federation  as 
are  the  official  gatherings.  We  refer  to  the 
great  international  and  pan-congresses  meet- 
ing almost  weekly  during  the  summer  months 
in  various  cities  of  the  world.     These  con- 

[44] 


Against  the  Com??io?i   Foes 

gresses  are  peculiarly  symptomatic  of  this 
century.  To  be  sure  they  were  held  in  the 
last  century,  but  they  have  become  one  of  the 
most  promising  features  of  this  century.  This 
century  opens  with  practically  every  society 
and  organization  international,  and  holding 
stated  world  congresses.  One  has  only  to 
think  of  the  great  religious  institutions  to  see 
how  true  this  is.  All  the  denominations  of 
churches,  the  Young  Men's  Christian  Associa- 
tion, the  Christian  Endeavour  Society,  the 
Missionary  Societies  hold  international  con- 
gresses. But  it  is  true  of  all  other  organiza- 
tions to-day,  of  all  the  scientific  societies,  the 
commercial  organizations,  the  trades  unions, 
the  socialists,  the  political  and  legal  associa- 
tions, the  literary  and  philological  movements, 
the  great  fraternities,  such  as  the  Masons. 
Indeed  any  organization  to  gain  general  re- 
ception to-day  must  be  universal.  /The  day 
of  sectarianism  in  any  kind  of  truth  i9> passing 
very  fast.  Provincialism  is  almost  impossi- 
ble in  the  electric  thought  sympathies  of  our 
day.  Even  religious  people  are  no  longer  in- 
terested in  denominational  truth.  No  one 
longer  wants  Methodist,  Presbyterian,  Bap- 
tist, or  Episcopal  truth.     More  and  more,  in- 

[45] 


The  Peace  Problem 

telligent  men  do  not  want  American  truth. 
Even  patriotism  is  being  transformed  into  a 
cosmopolitan  interest  in  the  common  aspira- 
tions and  welfare  of  all  lands.  A  truth  to  stir 
one  man  to-day  must  be  large  enough  for  the 
needs  of  all.  The  writer  has  had  occasion 
during  the  first  ten  years  of  this  century  to 
address  hundreds  of  audiences,  of  every  creed 
and  denomination,  and  he  has  found  the  truth 
that  really  stirred  them  was  always  that  which 
rose  above  either  religious  or  political  sec- 
tarianism, even  above  nationalism  into  the 
universal  realm.  A  truth  to  really  stir  America 
must  be  big  enough  for  Germany  and  Great 
Britain^/ 

A  list  of  organizations  that  hold  interna- 
tional congresses  has  been  made  and  they 
number  over  two  hundred.  As  we  said, 
these  organizations  all  hold  stated  interna- 
tional congresses  more  and  more  frequently. 
Thus  the  year  1908  alone  witnessed  fifteen  of 
these  great  gatherings  and  several  semi-in- 
ternational congresses  to  which  we  cannot 
here  refer.  But  one  cannot  follow  these  gath- 
erings in  1908  without  feeling  that  each  one 
of  them  put  a  stone  into  the  rapidly  growing 
temple  of  human  brotherhood  and  good-will 

[46] 


Agai7ist  the   Common  Foes 

For  they  made,  in  every  instance,  the  men  of 
many  nations  one,  while  the  conference  lasted, 
and  surely  the  oneness  and  the  friendship 
will  persist.  Let  us  look  at  some  of  these  of 
1908,  for  they  are  typical.  In  February  dele- 
gates assembled  from  all  over  South  America 
for  the  express  purpose  of  founding  a  South 
American  Peace  Society,  in  which  every  state 
should  have  representation.  The  avowed 
purpose  is  that  whenever  rumours  of  war  arise 
anywhere  in  that  continent,  this  society,  rep- 
resenting all  the  nations,  shall  speak  and  act 
to  allay  the  war  frenzy  or  secure  the  dispute 
being  put  to  arbitration.  At  the  close  of  the 
congress  one  of  the  delegates  remarked  that 
since  all  they  who  were  present  were  con- 
vinced that  they  were  brothers  and  were  ready 
to  put  every  dispute  to  arbitration,  there  was 
no  reason  why  they  could  not  make  all  their 
fellow-countrymen  feel  as  they  did.  If  this 
group  could  only  multiply  itself  into  the  whole 
population  there  would  be  no  war  in  South 
America.  Yet  it  is  towards  this  that  such  a 
congress  tends.  For  these  men  are  the  lead- 
ers at  home,  and  they  also  convert  many  com- 
patriots to  their  feeling. 

In   June,    1908,   the    great    Pan-Anglican 

[47] 


The  Peace  Proble 


m 


Congress  was  held  in  London,  followed  by 
the  Congress  of  the  Episcopal  Bishops.  To 
this  congress  came  delegates  from  every 
nation.  They  were  in  session  for  several 
weeks  and  not  only  consulted  together  how 
to  unitedly  further  special  Christian  reforms 
they  had  at  heart,  and  how  to  redeem  the 
backward  nations  from  their  darkness,  but 
they  gave  up  special  sessions  to  consider- 
ing this  very  plan  of  federating  the  world 
and  making  a  permanent  international  peace. 
They  could  rot  help  doing  this.  It  is  in 
the  very  air  of  our  century.  Not  only 
were  most  encouraging  resolutions  passed 
and  brotherly  words  spoken  at  their  special 
sessions,  but  the  thought  kept  cropping  out 
through  all  the  sessions.  It  leads  us  to  ask 
what  use  to  redeem  the  world  if  some  war 
between  two  nations  is  to  undo  it  all  and 
plunge  the  people  back  into  the  darkness  of 
lust  and  enmity  ?  How  can  one  serve  Christ 
while  hating  his  brother  ?  Why  talk  about 
membership  in  Christ's  kingdom  being  the 
supreme  good  when  next  year  some  petty 
quarrel  over  a  strip  of  land  or  some  silly  ques- 
tion of  honour, — as  if  the  honour  of  any  man 
was  ever  hurt  except  bv  himself,  or  any  nation 

[48] 


A g a  171  St  the  Com?7io?i   Foes 

lost  her  honour  except  through  her  own  de- 
generate acts, — will  call  forth  a  narrow 
nationalism  that  will  sweep  all  sense  of 
Christian  brotherhood  to  the  winds !  This 
Pan-Anglican  Congress  was  followed  during 
the  summer  in  rapid  succession  by  world 
congresses  of  the  Congregationalists  at  Edin- 
burgh, the  Roman  Catholics  at  London,  and 
the  Baptists  in  Berlin.  In  all  of  these  con- 
gresses this  question  of  the  new  brother- 
hood of  nations,  the  common  oneness  of 
humanity,  the  cessation  of  wars,  the  feder- 
ation of  the  world  was  again  and  again  re- 
turned to.  No  utterance  at  the  International 
Congregational  Congress  at  Edinburgh,  for 
instance,  awakened  such  hearty  response  and 
such  volumes  of  applause  as  one  to  the  efiEect 
that  the  time  had  gone  by  for  Christians  to 
be  fighting  each  other  when  they  should  al- 
together be  fighting  the  evil  of  the  world. 
The  best  utterances  of  the  congress  all  rose 
to  this  point  of  human  brotherhood,  culmi- 
nating in  Dr.  Amory  H.  Bradford's  prophetic 
sermon  in  St.  Gile's  Cathedral,  with  its  out- 
look on  the  world  so  united  in  its  common 
passion  for  righteousness  that  nations  forgot 
to  quarrel  among  themselves, 

[49] 


The   Peace  Proble 


m 


But  perhaps  the  best  instance  of  any, 
among  religious  conventions,  was  the  great 
World's  Missionary  Congress  held  in  Edin- 
burgh in  the  summer  of  1910.  Here  every 
Christian  denomination,  except  two,  was  rep- 
resented. Here  both  national  and  sectarian 
lines  were  broken  down  in  a  common  en- 
thusiasm for  humanity.  Here  the  question 
of  human  brotherhood  obliterated  all  mention 
of  gain  for  any  one  church  or  country.  Here 
the  necessity  of  all  good  men  of  every  nation 
uniting  to  fight  the  sin  of  all  nations  brought 
the  folly  of  international  wars  home  to  all. 
This  congress,  declared  by  many  to  have 
been  the  greatest  council  the  Church  has 
ever  held,  more  far-reaching  in  its  influence 
than  the  Council  of  Nice  even,  became  of 
necessity  a  great  council  of  international 
peace. 

The  nineteenth  century  witnessed  several 
international  peace  congresses.  The  first 
time  men  from  Europe  and  America  met  to- 
gether to  consider  the  peace  of  the  world 
was  in  London  in  1843.  Elihu  Burritt,  the 
great  peace  prophet,  convoked  another  con- 
gress in  Brussels  in  1848.  The  most  noted 
of  those  of  the  last  century  was  the  one  held 

[50] 


Against  the  Common  Foes 

in  Paris  in  1849  whicli  had  a  large  attend- 
ance and  was  presided  over  by  Victor  Hugo. 
It  was  at  this  congress  that  Victor  Hugo  ut- 
tered his  famous  word  on  armaments. 

/ 

/  "  A  day  will  come  when  a  cannon-ball  will 
be  exhibited  in  public  museums,  just  as  an  in- 
strument of  torture  is  now,  and  people  will  be 
amazed  that  such  a  thing  could  ever  have  been. 
A  day  will  come  when  these  two  immense 
groups,  the  United  States  of  America  and  the 
United  States  of  Europe,  will  be  seen  placed  in 
the  presence  of  each  other,  extending  the  hand 
of  fellowship  across  the  ocean,  exchanging  their 
produce,  their  industries,  their  arts,  their 
genius,  clearing  the  earth,  peopling  the  desert, 
improving  creation  under  the  eye  of  the  Crea- 
tor, and  uniting,  for  the  good  of  all,  these  two 
irresistible  and  infinite  powers,  the  fraternity 
of  men  and  the  power  of  God." 

/ 
There  were  two  other  nineteenth  century- 
congresses,  in  1850  and  185 1,  one  in  Frank- 
fort and  one  in  London,  and  then  there 
was  a  lapse  of  thirty  years  before  another 
world  peace  congress  was  called  in  Lon- 
don in  1889.  But  now  they  are  held 
statedly  every  year  and  are  drawing  more 
and  more  delegates  and  exercising  greater 
and  greater  influence.  Going  from  country 
to  country  every  year  they  not  only  exercise 

[51] 


The  Peace  Problem 

this  great  world  influence  by  bringing  the 
prophets  of  all  countries  together,  and  by- 
showing  the  world  this  yearly  spectacle  of 
all  the  nations  in  one  room  talking  world 
harmony  and  federation,  but  they  make  a 
deep  impression  on  the  people  where  the 
congress  is  held.  This  has  been  especially 
noticeable  in  the  congresses  of  this  century 
held  in  Paris,  Lucerne,  Milan,  Boston,  Mu- 
nich and  London.  The  congress  in  London 
came  immediately  after  the  Church  con- 
gresses of  1908.  It  was  banqueted  by  the 
government,  and  addressed  by  King  Edward 
VII,  the  Prime  Minister,  and  the  Chancellor 
of  the  Exchequer.  Many  nations  were  rep- 
resented and  the  deliberations  had  to  be 
carried  on  in  three  languages,  French,  Ger- 
man and  English.  In  the  committee  meet- 
ings French  was  used.  The  writer  had  the 
pleasure  of  serving  on  one  of  these  commit- 
tees. As  it  met  morning  after  morning,  no 
one  thought  anything  about  who  was  Amer- 
ican or  English  or  German.  One  did  not 
even  know  the  nationality  of  other  members 
unless  he  had  personal  acquaintance  with 
them.  They  were  simply  men,  all  striving, 
not  selfishly  for  national  advantage,  but  for 

[52] 


Agai?ist  the  Common  Foes 

the  reign  of  justice  and  good- will  in  the 
earth,  the  substitution  of  law  for  war. 

This  international  peace  congress  was 
closely  followed  by  two  other  gatherings 
which  were  really  peace  congresses  as  they 
met  to  consider  the  harmonious  relationships 
of  nations,  the  International  Free  Trade 
Congress  in  London  and  the  International 
Law  Association  in  Budapest,  Hungary. 
This  latter  congress  which  meets  annually  is 
very  significant,  for  it  is  trying  to  urge  upon 
the  nations  a  body  of  international  law,  which 
shall  be  for  nations  what  the  national  law  is 
for  the  states  in  our  own  country. 

In  September,  1908,  came  the  Inter- Parlia- 
mentary Union  at  Berlin.  This  society  is  so 
indicative  of  the  international  movement,  the 
progress  towards  world  federation,  that  it  de- 
serves special  mention.  One  of  the  most 
important  organizations  in  the  world  to-day, 
it  grew  out  of  the  persistent,  undaunted  ef- 
forts of  one  quiet,  humble,  inconspicuous 
man,  William  Randall  Cremer,  a  lasting  ex- 
ample of  what  one  man  of  average  abilities 
can  do,  who  has  one  purpose  and  adheres 
to  it  through  a  lifetime.  When  a  young 
man  working  at  his  trade  as  carriage  painter, 

[53] 


The  Peace   Proble 


m 


he  became  involved  in  some  labour  troubles. 
He  was  successful  in  getting  them  arbitrated. 
The  working  men  returned  him  to  Parlia- 
ment. The  success  of  arbitration  in  procur- 
ing justice  when  strikes  and  lockouts  had  al- 
ways settled  only  which  side  was  strongest 
and  could  hold  out  longest  or  was  best  or- 
ganized, and  left  ill  feeling  and  suffering 
behind  them,  suggested  to  him  its  effective- 
ness in  averting  wars.  He  became  a  life- 
long advocate  of  arbitration  treaties.  It 
occurred  to  him  that  Great  Britain  and  the 
United  States  should  set  example  to  the  na- 
tions. He  secured  the  signatures  of  a  large 
number  of  members  of  Parliament  recom- 
mending that  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States  sign  an  arbitration  treaty.  Of  his  own 
initiative  he  came  to  the  United  States,  and 
with  Mr.  Carnegie's  assistance  got  audience 
with  the  President  of  the  United  States  and 
with  members  of  Congress.  He  was  rather 
coolly  received.  The  time  had  hardly  come. 
But  the  failure  of  his  mission  did  not  daunt 
him.  He  knew  the  thing  was  right,  that  il 
was  bound  to  come,  and  that  the  day  was 
breaking  when  the  world  would  come  his  way. 
He  had  the  prophetic  outlook.     He  went  back 

[54] 


Against  the   Common  Foes 

to  England  and  began  to  seek  the  same  ends 
in  another  direction.  He  invited  the  mem- 
bers of  the  British  Parliament  and  the  French 
Assembly  to  hold  a  joint  meeting  in  Paris. 
Only  a  few  came,  but  they  became  interested 
in  his  proposition.  The  next  year  was  the 
year  of  the  Paris  Exposition,  and  many  mem- 
bers of  the  parliaments  and  congresses  of  all 
the  nations  would  be  coming  to  Paris.  He 
immediately  associated  with  him  those  British 
and  French  members,  who  had  become  inter- 
ested at  the  previous  meeting  and  called  a 
meeting  of  all  members  of  all  parliaments  of 
the  world.  His  associates  were  not  sanguine. 
To  the  surprise  of  every  one  except  himself, 
a  hundred  responded.  They  talked  over 
what  the  parliaments  of  the  nations  could  do 
to  help  on  the  movement  for  a  permanent 
court,  international  unity,  arbitration  treaties 
and  the  limitation  of  armament.  They  grew 
to  like  one  another  so  much  and  became  so 
interested  in  the  world  movement  that  they 
organized  themselves  into  the  Inter- Parlia- 
mentary Union.  It  is  composed  only  of  those 
who  have  served  in  the  parliament  of  some 
nation.  The  enthusiasm  spread  so  rapidly 
that  it  soon  numbered  over  twenty-five  hun- 

[55] 


The  Peace  Problem 

dred  members,  a  remarkable  growth  for  so 
short  a  time.  The  president  is  Baron  d'Es- 
tournelles  de  Constant,  the  eminent  French 
leader  in  international  peace.  It  has  met 
once  in  the  United  States,  at  St.  Louis,  in 
September,  1904,  at  the  invitation  of  the 
group  in  the  House  of  Representatives, 
which  numbers  about  two  hundred.  Con- 
gressman Bartholdt  of  St.  Louis  is  president 
of  the  group  in  this  country.  Congress  ap- 
propriated $50,000  for  the  entertainment  of 
the  foreign  delegates.  Every  European  par- 
liament has  a  parliamentary  group  in  it  now. 
The  meeting  in  London,  in  1906,  was  even 
larger  and  more  significant,  because  it  put 
forward  a  platform  of  its  aims  and  endeavours 
in  a  series  of  recommendations  to  the  Second 
Hague  Conference  as  follows  : — that  it  should 
consider  (i)  the  meeting  at  stated  and  reg- 
ular intervals  ;  (2)  limitation  of  armaments  ; 
(3)  a  general  arbitration  treaty;  (4)  immunity 
of  private  property  at  sea  in  time  of  war ;  (5) 
investigation  by  a  commission  of  causes  of 
troubles  before  a  declaration  of  hostilities  ; 
(6)  a  small  annual  appropriation  for  the  pro- 
motion of  international  good-will  and  hospi- 
tality.    The  Union  meets  every  two  years  and 

[56] 


Agai?ist  the  Co?nmon   Foes 

the  meeting-  in  Berlin  in  1908  was  significant 
from  the  fact  that  the  German  Emperor  offi- 
cially welcomed  it  through  his  prime  minis- 
ter, Prince  von  Bulow,  and  commended  its 
ellorts  towards  world  peace.  To  see  the 
change  from  the  last  century  to  the  present 
one  has  only  to  try  to  imagine  Bismarck 
welcoming  a  peace  congress.  In  connection 
with  the  Berlin  meeting  a  remarkable  labour 
demonstration  was  held  in  Berlin  to  welcome 
the  labour  delegates  to  the  conference  in 
which  several  thousand  German  labourers 
expressed  their  esteem  and  their  lasting 
friendship  to  their  foreign  brothers.  These 
parliamentarians  are  of  course  meeting  merely 
as  men  and  can  promulgate  no  official  utter- 
ance. Yet  their  utterances  cannot  help  par- 
taking of  a  semi-official  nature,  just  as  when 
the  President  of  the  United  States  speaks  he, 
to  a  certain  extent,  commits  the  nation  to  his 
words.  As  a  matter  of  fact  the  utterances  of 
the  Union  have  had  great  weight  among  the 
nations.  Their  meetings  get  wide  reporting 
in  the  papers.  It  has  impressed  upon  the 
world  that  not  only  preachers  and  poets  are 
crying  peace  but  that  the  lawmakers  are  as- 
sembled making  peace  and  conferring  on  in- 

[57] 


The  Peace  Proble 


m 


ternational  unity.  Furthermore  it  changes 
the  tempers  of  the  parliaments  themselves. 
Whenever  a  measure  looking  towards  peace 
comes  up  in  Congress  there  is  this  group 
committed  to  it,  familiar  with  the  arbitra- 
tional  aims  and  ambitions,  so  that  it  becomes 
increasingly  easy  to  get  arbitration  treaties 
ratified.  The  large  vote  each  year  in  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States  against  build- 
ing a  great  navy  to  vie  with  England's  and 
Germany's  comes  from  this  group. 

The  labour  unions  and  Socialists  (for  the 
labour  party  on  the  continent,  that  is,  the 
social  democracy,  is  socialistic  in  its  prin- 
ciples) are  holding  frequent  international 
congresses  in  this  century.  It  is  very  en- 
couraging to  see  that  they  are  taking  very 
advanced  steps  in  this  movement  for  in- 
ternational comradeship.  The  Socialists  of 
Germany  and  France,  at  their  conference 
in  Stuttgart  in  1907,  passed  a  resolution 
to  the  effect  that  if  their  homes  were  in- 
vaded, of  course  they  would  protect  them, 
but  for  no  other  reason  would  they  bear  arms 
one  against  the  other.  Class  consciousness 
is  very  strong  among  the  Socialists,  but  it 
is  an  international  class  consciousness,  and 

[58] 


Agaifist  the  Com7Pio?t   Foes 

many  economists  are  feeling  that  their  al- 
legiance to  the  party  or  cause  is  stronger  than 
their  feeling  of  nationality,  and  their  propa- 
ganda is  already  making  serious  decimation 
in  the  armies  both  of  Germany  and  France. 
The  anti-militarist  movement  is  especially 
strong  in  France.  The  international  class 
consciousness  was  peculiarly  manifested  in 
the  execution  of  Ferrer  in  Spain  in  1909. 
There  was  a  murmur  of  indignation  and  pro- 
test heard  in  every  nation  of  the  world,  Mr. 
Harold  Gorst,  the  eminent  English  critic,  re- 
cently remarked  at  a  dinner  of  the  New  York 
Peace  Society,  that  in  Europe  the  general 
hope  for  peace  is  centred  in  the  work  done 
by  the  labour  organizations.  He  said  :  "  We 
hope  that  as  soon  as  those  organizations 
achieve  their  efficiency,  they  will  organize 
themselves  into  international  bodies  to  pre- 
vent war."  The  remark  caused  great  com- 
ment at  the  time,  because  men  naturally  won- 
dered why  the  Church,  the  institution  organ- 
ized especially  to  preach  the  gospel  of  for- 
giveness, good-will,  human  brotherhood  and 
justice  which  Christ  practiced,  was  not 
mentioned  as  the  hope  of  the  movement 
whose   aim   is   to   supplant  power  by   love, 

[59] 


The  Peace  Problem 

hatred  by  forgiveness,  war  by  law,  might  by 
justice. 

It  saddens  the  writer's  heart  to  have  to  say 
that  the  feeling  among  many  reformers  in  Eu- 
rope, as  he  has  talked  with  them,  is  that  other 
organizations  are  more  Christian  than  the  es- 
tablished churches.  The  state  churches  fol- 
low governments  rather  than  lead  them,  and 
are  invariably  the  last  institutions  to  give  up  an 
old  and  outgrown  political  theory.  Here  is  a 
sentence  from  Paul  Sabatier's  "An  Open  Letter 
to  His  Eminence  Cardinal  Gibbons,"  "  High- 
minded  and  at  the  same  time  modest,  re- 
served and  also  resolute,  France  realizes  that 
the  day  has  dawned  for  mankind  to  take  a 
new  step  towards  peace  among  the  nations. 
She  desires  peace  firmly,  not  from  weakness 
or  closeness,  but  because  wars  are  become  to 
her  both  wicked  and  foolish.  Now  in  these 
thoughts  that  engross  her  attention,  in  these 
dreams  she  cannot  shake  off,  France  had 
hoped  to  have  the  Church  at  her  side  to  direct 
and  encourage  her.  This  juncture  came 
not."  The  absence  of  clergymen  at  the  peace 
congresses  in  Europe  is  a  very  marked 
phenomenon,  and  often  commented  upon. 
There  are,  however,  many  clergymen  among 

[60] 


Aga'uist  the  Common   Foes 

the  independent  churches  of  Great  Britain 
who  are  taking  bold  and  prophetic  stand.  In 
the  United  States  the  cliurches  are  becoming 
a  great  factor  in  the  movement.  At  the  meet- 
ing of  the  Federal  Council  of  the  Churches  of 
Christ  held  in  Philadelphia,  in  1909,  splendid 
resolutions  were  passed  after  some  really- 
prophetic  addresses.  As  we  noticed  above, 
the  Pan- Anglican  Conference  in  London  spoke 
more  emphatically  than  it  has  ever  done  be- 
fore. Unfortunately  the  Anglican  church,  as 
the  established  church  of  England,  has  been 
quiet  in  the  face  of  the  recent  recrudescence  of 
militarism.  But  the  time  has  come  for  the 
Church  all  over  the  world  to  rise  up  and  say, 
"  Man  killing  and  Christianity  have  no  part 
together,  and  it  must  stop  now  and  forever. 
Membership  in  the  kingdom  of  God  is  greater 
than  citizenship  in  any  country.  All  good  men 
are  one  and  can  have  no  enemies  except  bad 
men,  and  goodness  knows  nothing  of  national 
boundaries.  All  men  are  my  brothers."  "  1 
came  not  to  destroy  but  to  save,"  is  the  only 
possible  word  of  any  church  calling  itself 
Christian.  When  the  Church  discovers  the 
Sermon  on  the  Mount  there  will  be  great 
things  happening  in  the  world — the  angels 

[61] 


The  Peace   Prohle 


m 


will  sing  again  over  its  hills  and  fields.  The 
Church  must  hurry,  though,  otherwise  Count 
Tolstoi  or  the  trades  unions  or  the  Socialists 
will  find  it  first. 

The  last  of  the  great  congresses  of  1908 
was  the  International  Tuberculosis  Congress 
at  Washington.  Practically  every  great  na- 
tion was  represented,  and  there  has  been  no 
finer  illustration  of  the  new  tendency  for  men 
of  all  nations  to  get  together  to  make  war 
against  the  common  scourges  of  mankind. 
Tuberculosis  is  a  preventable  disease.  Only 
three  things  keep  it  with  us,  selfishness, 
ignorance  and  foolishness.  We  are  greedy 
and  keep  our  money,  or  we  are  ignorant,  not 
knowing  what  our  money  will  do  ;  or  we  are 
foolish  and  spend  it  on  battle-ships.  When 
we  grow  Christian  and  wise,  we  will  banish 
several  diseases  at  once.  But  it  is  a  sign  of 
the  new  era  that  physicians  of  all  nations  are 
meeting  together  very  frequently  now,  not  to 
fight  each  other,  but  to  fight  disease. 

As  we  remarked,  none  of  these  two  hun- 
dred international  congresses  are  official,  yet 
we  sometimes  think  they  hasten  world  unity 
as  much  as  meetings  of  delegates  appointed 
by  governments.     Where  constitutional  gov- 

[62] 


Agairist  the  Common   Foes 

ernment  exists,  every  individual  is  his  nation 
to  some  degree,  and  speaks  for  it.  How- 
ever this  may  be,  the  very  meeting  of 
men  of  different  nations  together  renders 
wars  less  probable  and  possible  and  puts  one 
more  link  in  the  golden  chain  of  brotherhood 
that  is  slowly  binding  the  world  together. 
AVhere  men  of  different  nations  used  to  meet 
Vto  dispute  and  wrangle  and  sue  for  each 
other's  rights,  now  they  are  meeting  from 
churches,  societies,  and  unions,  to  fight  to- 
gether the  common  enemies  of  them  all,  sin, 
disease,  greed,  intemperance,  injustice,  vice, 
opium,  slavery,  war,  all  these  things.  There 
is  no  stronger  bond  of  union  than  a  common 
crusade  against  a  common  foe.  They  dis- 
cover too,  that  their  real  enemies  are  not 
each  other,  but  the  universal  plagues  we 
have  mentioned.  "  How  foolish  we  have 
been,"  they  are  saying.  "  Here  we  have 
been  fighting  one  another,  thinking  we  were 
one  another's  enemies,  while  the  real  enemies 
have  been  lurking  in  all  our  nations,  banded 
against  us  all,  and  laughing  while  we  fought 
each  other!  "  Race  prejudice  leads  to  wars. 
But  these  growing  conferences  of  all  the 
races  are  breaking  this  down.     We  hate  those 

[63] 


The  Peace  Proble 


m 


we  do  not  know.  They  seem  so  different 
that  they  are  repugnant.  We  work  to- 
gether for  a  month  and  find  the  German, 
Frenchman,  Hungarian,  all  the  others,  are 
very  much  like  ourselves.  Under  the  differ- 
ent languages,  skins,  temperaments,  customs, 
the  hearts  are  the  same  colour  and  speak  one 
language.  They  have  the  same  problems, 
the  same  ambitions,  the  same  sorrows,  the 
same  joys.  They  soon  find  as  they  talk  to- 
gether of  their  common  plans  for  world  better- 
ment that  they  forget  their  nationality  and  are 
known  to  one  another  only  as  Christians,  or 
seekers  for  the  common  truth,  or  reformers, 
or  builders  together  of  the  City  of  God, 
whose  foundations  rest  in  every  land,  but 
whose  superstructure  spreads  unbroken  over 
all.  They  learn  to  know  each  other's  finer 
and  better  qualities.  They  can  see  no  more 
reason  why  Germans  should  kill  Frenchmen 
than  why  Germans  should  slay  Germans. 
They  go  home  with  kindliest  feelings  and 
with  a  new  patriotism  in  their  hearts  which 
expresses  itself,  not  so  much  in  a  blind  and 
exclusive  devotion  to  one  nation  as  in  a  sense 
of  world  citizenship  and  devotion  to  human- 
ity  and    justice   for  all   men.      These   con- 

[64] 


Agai-nst  the  Common   Foes 

gresses  also  get  widely  reported  in  the  press 
of  the  different  nations.  As  we  write  the 
proceedings  of  the  World  Congress  on  For- 
eign Missions  are  being  printed  in  the  jour- 
nals of  every  land.  This  gradually  induces  in 
the  peoples  of  the  world  the  habit  of  thinking 
in  world  terms.  All  Christians  are  bound  to- 
gether for  a  while  in  thought,  against  the 
darkness  of  the  world.  We  have  been  for 
ages  thinking  in  terms  of  nationality.  Every 
one  of  these  congresses  cultivates  the  habit 
of  thinking  in  terms  of  internationality. 
Again,  those  who  attend  these  congresses 
learn  how  much  we  all  need  each  other,  how 
much  we  of  one  nation  need  those  of  all  the 
others.  So  much  that  has  worth  and  that 
has  entered  into  our  very  being — religion, 
literature,  art,  music,  law,  and  invention — has  t  ■  x 
come  to  us  from  other  peoples.  At  every 
one  of  these  congresses,  where  each  nation 
brings  its  own  contribution,  and  an  offering 
necessary  to  make  a  perfect  whole  of  thought, 
an  offering  which  remedies  some  weakness  or 
provincialism,  men  learn  that  one  nation  has 
need  of  all  the  others.  The  watchword  of 
the  last  century  was  independence.  The 
watchword  of  the  new  century  is  coming  to 

[65] 


The    Peace  Problem 

be  interdependence.  Every  one  of  these  in- 
ternational congresses  makes  for  that  world 
citizenship  which  Lowell  sings: 


*'  Where  is  the  true  man's  fatherland? 

Is  it  where  he  by  chance  is  born  ? 

Doth  not  the  yearning  spirit  scorn 
In  such  scant  borders  to  be  spanned  ? 
Oh,  yes  !  his  fatherland  must  be 
As  the  blue  heaven  wide  and  free  ! 

"Is  it  alone  where  freedom  is, 

Where  God  is  God  and  man  is  man? 

Doth  he  not  claim  a  broader  span 
For  the  soul's  love  of  home  than  this  ? 
Oh,  yes  1  his  fatherland  must  be 
As  the  blue  heaven  wide  and  free  ! 

"  Where'er  a  human  heart  doth  wear 

Joy's  myrtle-wreath  or  sorrow's  gyves, 
Where'er  a  human  spirit  strives 
After  a  life  more  true  and  fair, 
There  is  the  true  man's  birthplace  grand, 
His  is  a  world-wide  fatherland  ! 

"  Where'er  a  single  slave  doth  pine, 

Where'er  one  man  may  help  another, — 
Thank  God  for  such  a  birthright,  brother, - 
That  spot  of  earth  is  thine  and  mine  ! 
There  is  the  true  man's  birthplace  grand, 
His  is  a  world-wide  fatherland  !  " 


[66] 


V 
INTERNATIONAL  HOSPITALITY 

THE  fourth\ characteristic  of  the  twen- 
tieth century  making  for  world  unity 
is  perhaps  the  newest  and  most  dra- 
matically interesting  of  all — t|ie  practice  of 
international  hospitality.  It  bears  within  it- 
self great  promise  for  increasing  good  under- 
standing among  men.  One  of  the  commonest 
causes  of  war  is  ignorance  of  other  people. 
Suspicions,  contrary  to  the  arguments  of 
those  who  seek  vast  armaments,  are  based 
upon  distance  rather  than  nearness.  /Races, 
which  in  Europe,  separated  by  stifl[  boundary 
lines  of  fortresses,  lived  in  constant  suspicion 
of  each  other,  in  New  York,  thrown  all  to- 
gether, fairly  huddled  into  a  heap,  live  on  the 
best  of  terms  and  lose  race  animosities.  The 
Jew  in  New  York,  interwoven  into  the  very 
structure  and  fabric  of  the  Gentile  community 
as  he  is,  is  much  more  free  from  Gentile  per- 
secution than  he  is  in  Europe  where  he  mixes 
not    with    the    Gentiles.      Everything    that 

[67] 


4 


The  Peace  Problem 


brings  the  nations  more  closely  together,  that 
mixes  the  people  up,  makes  quarrels  less  and 
less  probable.  No  one  can  ever  tell  how 
much  the  immigration  of  the  European  peo- 
ple into  the  United  States  has  done  to  make 
war  almost  impossible  between  this  country 
and  any  of  the  European  nations.  Shall  we 
make  war  against  Germany  ?  Turn  to  Mil- 
waukee then,  for  Milwaukee  is  Germany. 
Shall  we  attack  Sweden  ?  Let  us  begin  with 
Minneapolis  then,  for  Minneapolis  is  Sweden. 
There  is  a  bigger  Italian  city  in  the  heart  of 
New  York  than  there  is  in  Italy.  A  large 
part  of  Canada  is  spreading  over  New  Eng- 
land. One  little  town  in  Eastern  Connecticut 
has  twice  as  many  French  Canadians  in  it  as 
it  has  Americans.  Immigration  has  been  a 
great  factor  in  decreasing  the  warlike  spirit, 
simply  because  it  has  revealed  to  men  that 
what  they  have  in  common  is  much  greater 
than  their  racial  peculiarities.  The  growth 
of  continental  travel  has  helped  the  nations 
cultivate  the  cosmopolitan  and  universal 
spirit.  It  has  taken  the  provincialism  out  of 
those  who  travel  and  out  of  those  who  are 
visited.  The  Germans  are  becoming  as  great 
travellers  as  the  people  of  the  United  States, 

[68] 


Ifiternational  Hospitality 

as  they  prosper  under  the  new  industrial 
revival.  Every  German  village  storekeeper 
takes  his  summer  tour  in  France,  Switzerland 
and  Italy.  This  travel  is  doing  much  to  es- 
tablish better  feeling  between  Germany  and 
France  and  among  the  other  nations  of  Eu- 
rope. The  great  number  of  Americans  who 
have  an  interest  in  the  new  internationalism 
are  doing  good,  for  they  talk  with  their  Euro- 
pean brothers  on  the  folly  of  militarism.  But 
when  we  get  to  know  our  foreign  brother  he 
is  no  longer  a  foreigner.  He  very  much  re- 
sembles ourselves.  We  find  that  other  men 
of  other  lands  are  struggling  after  the  same 
ideals  we  are  seeking  and  have  the  same 
aches,  the  same  sorrows,  the  same  loves,  the 
same  joys,  the  same  problems  of  life  to  solve. 
Nearness  shows  how  true  Shylock's  words 
are  :  "  Hath  not  a  Jew  eyes  ?  Hath  not  a 
Jew  hands,  organs,  dimensions,  senses,  affec- 
tions, passions  ?  fed  with  the  same  food,  hurt 
with  the  same  weapons,  subject  to  the  same 
diseases,  healed  by  the  same  means,  warmed 
and  cooled  by  the  same  winter  and  summer, 
as  a  Christian  is?"  The  real  good  is  com- 
mon to  us  all.  We  are  fast  learning  that  the 
ties    which  bind  us  to  humanity  are   much 

[69] 


The  Peace  Problem 

stronger  than  those  that  link  us  to  one  ex- 
clusive land. 

Now  extending  and  strengthening  all  these 
ties  already  made,  deepening  our  common 
appreciation  of  one  another,  has  come  this 
new  force  of  international  hospitality,  the  ex- 
change of  visits  of  the  prominent  men  of  one 
country  with  those  of  another,  either  in  an  of- 
ficial or  simply  representative  character,  one 
nation  inviting  the  representatives  of  other 
nations  to  be  its  guests.  This  hospitality 
began  with  the  exchange  of  university  pro- 
fessors and  students.  There  has  always 
been  a  sort  of  republic  of  letters  above  na- 
tional boundaries,  and  democracy  has  been 
native  to  student  bodies  from  earliest  times. 
Students  from  all  over  Europe  flocked  to 
Paris  centuries  ago,  and  there  is  record  of  ex- 
changes— that  is,  students  of  Paris  residing 
for  a  term  at  Oxford,  while  the  students  of 
Oxford  attended  Paris,  But  it  is  only  of 
recent  years  that  these  exchanges  have  be- 
come a  habit.  The  United  States  exchanges 
regularly  now  with  the  universities  of  Berlin, 
Paris  and  Scandinavia.  Such  men  as  Profess- 
ors Burgess  and  Felix  Adler  from  Columbia, 
W.  S.  Scofield  from  Harvard,  A.  T.  Hadley 

[70] 


International  Hospitality 

from  Yale  have  been  to  Berlin  University 
lecturing  for  the  whole  year.  Such  men  as 
Professors  Barrett  Wendell  and  Bliss  Perry 
of  Harvard,  and  Henry  Van  Dyke  of 
Princeton,  have  lectured  for  a  term  at  the 
Sorbonne  in  Paris,  and  then  have  visited 
the  universities  of  the  provinces  of  France. 
Such  men  as  Presidents  MacCracken  of  New 
York  University,  Nicholas  Murray  Butler  of 
Columbia  University,  and  Professor  Samuel 
T.  Dutton  of  Teacher's  College  have  been  to 
the  Scandinavian  universities  at  their  invi- 
tation. At  the  same  time  professors  from 
Germany,  France  and  the  Scandinavian 
countries  are  spending  terms  at  the  Amer- 
ican universities.  This  exchange  of  profess- 
ors has  done  much  to  create  good-will  not 
only  in  the  way  of  sending  the  professor 
home  again  with  a  devoted  friendship  to  the 
land  he  has  visited  expressing  itself  after- 
wards in  such  devoted  tributes  to  them  as 
Professor  Wendell's  "  France  of  To-day," 
but  the  lectures  these  men  give  are  interpret- 
ative of  the  best  there  is  in  their  land. 
What  a  different  conception  of  America,  for 
instance,  must  France  have  after  hearing 
Professor  Van  Dyke's  course  on  "The  Spirit 

[71] 


The  Peace  Problem 


of  America,"  or  Denmark  have  after  hearing 
President  Butler  on  "  The  American  as  He 
Is,"  or  Norway  and  Sweden  have  after  hear- 
ing Professor  Dutton  on  "  Ideals  of  Amer- 
ican Education."  It  will  be  much  harder  for 
these  countries  to  make  war  upon  each  other 
after  these  exchanges^/'^  ^^  /  //^ 

This  exchancjfe  of  professors  and  such  visits 
as  those  of  teachers  of  one  country  to  study 
the  educational  methods  of  another  as  Mr. 
Mosely  is  arranging,  are  now  being  followed 
by  the  exchange  of  students.  Berlin  Uni- 
versity has  recently  had  French  students  as 
its  guests  as  the  Sorbonne  has  had  German 
students.  The  Rhode'syspht5rarships  provide 
for  American  students  living  at  Oxford  long 
enough  to  understand  something  of  England. 
Harvard  University  has  invited  students 
from  Berlin  as  guests.  The  Carnegie  Insti- 
tute of  Pittsburg  entertained  three  Scandina- 
vian students  as  its  guests  during  1 909-1 910. 
Niels  Poulson,  Esq.,  an  eminent  American 
of  Danish  birth,  was  so  pleased  with  the 
success  of  this  exchange  that  he  has  set  aside 
$100,000  for  the  use  of  the  American  Scan- 
dinavian Foundation  for  bringing  Scandi- 
navian  students   to  this  country.     Japanese 

[72] 


1 71  te?' national  Hospitality 

students  are  attending  our  American  univer- 
sities in  large  numbers  every  year.  All  of 
these  students  of  dififerent  lands  become 
peacemakers  between  the  nations.  One  rea- 
son Scotland  has  not  shown  the  same  dread 
of  Germany  England  is  constantly  manifest- 
ing is  because  so  many  of  her  best  men  have 
studied  in  Germany  and  understand  her. 
One  of  the  best  influences  in  preventing  the 
silly  talk  of  war  between  Japan  and  the 
United  States  by  some  of  our  shallow  dema- 
gogues making  mischief  in  Japan,  has  been 
that  exerted  by  the  large  number  of  Japanese 
who  were  educated  in  this  country. 

When  one  looks  out  upon  the  larger  field, 
the  growth  of  this  custom  of  international 
hospitality  in  the  last  ten  years  has  been 
something  remarkable.  We  cannot  cata- 
logue all  these  visits  here,  but  they  are  so 
significant  and  produce  such  immediate 
results  that  it  will  be  worth  our  while  to  look 
at  two  or  three  of  the  most  striking.  Feel- 
ing has  been  running  high  between  England 
and  Germany  for  the  last  ten  years.  The 
tension  is  the  outgrowth  of  many  things. 
Germany  has  grown  to  be  a  great  industrial 
nation,   a  great  commercial  world  power,  a 

[73] 


The  Peace  Proble 


m 


dominating  influence  in  European  politics  by 
leaps  and  bounds.  To  see  how  her  com- 
merce has  extended,  one  has  only  to  trace 
the  routes  of  the  Hamburg-American  Steam- 
ship Line  on  a  map  of  the  world.  With  this 
rapid  expanse  she  began  to  build  war-ships 
to  protect  her  trade.  This  added  to  the  alarm 
England  already  felt,  and  she  began  to  build 
great  ships.  This  was  the  opportunity  of 
the  shipbuilders  and  the  admirals,  so  they 
started  war  scares  to  get  more  ships.  The 
newspapers  of  one  nation  began  to  make 
innuendos  against  the  other  nation.  Tension 
was  rather  high,  when  it  occurred  to  Mr. 
W.  T.  Stead,  editor  of  the  Review  of  Re- 
views, and  other  editors  who  wanted  peace 
instead  of  war,  to  invite  a  group  of  German 
editors  to  England  as  their  guests.  The 
German  editors  came  and  it  was  a  happy 
three  weeks  for  them.  The  next  year  they 
returned  the  compliment  and  invited  a  large 
group  of  English  editors  to  be  their  guests. 
Their  entertainment  was  lavish.  Every  city 
they  visited  outdid  the  last  in  good-will  and 
welcome.  Even  the  Bavarian  people  turned 
the  visit  into  a  festival  and  danced  and  sang. 
The  city  of  Munich  was  beautifully  decorated 

[74] 


International  Hospitality 

and  the  artists  residing  there  produced  an 
original  play  for  the  occasion.  They  were 
received  by  the  Emperor  and  leading  states- 
men, and  the  hope  was  everywhere  expressed 
that  the  cordial  relations  existing  between  the 
nations  might  be  deepened  and  strengthened 
with  the  years.  The  significant  thing  is  this 
— the  immediate  results  of  this  exchange  of 
hospitalities  between  German  and  British 
editors  was  a  change  of  tone  of  the  press  in 
both  countries.  The  previous  innuendos, 
malicious  misrepresentations,  caricatures, 
suspicions,  provocative  paragraphs,  keeping 
before  each  country  all  the  time  distorted 
pictures  of  the  other,  and  the  constant  im- 
puting of  evil  motives,  disappeared.  The 
tone  of  the  editorials  changed  completely. 
They  became  fuller  of  friendly  spirit  and 
appreciation. 

Growing  out  of  this  visit  of  the  editors 
another  exchange  was  arranged  between 
Great  Britain  and  Germany  that  was  cer- 
tainly as  productive  of  good  feeling  as  that  of 
the  editors.  In  the  spring  of  1908,  one  hun- 
dred German  pastors,  both  Protestant  and 
Roman  Catholic,  were  the  guests  of  the  Brit- 
ish pastors  for  several  days,  the  visit  ending 

[75] 


The  Peace  Problem 

with  a  great  meeting  in  London  in  which  the 
pastors  of  both  lands  deprecated  the  con- 
stant talk  of  hatred  between  the  two  coun- 
tries, and  pledged  one  another  to  do  their 
utmost,  in  their  own  countries,  to  strengthen 
the  ties  of  friendship  and  unity.  A  remark- 
able address  was  given  by  Dr.  Dryander,  the 
great  German  preacher,  in  which  he  said 
that  for  him,  as  for  John  Wesley,  "  the  world 
was  his  parish,"  not  any  single  land.  In 
1909,  this  visit  was  reciprocated  and  a  group 
of  British  pastors  of  every  denomination 
visited  Germany  as  the  guests  of  the  Ger- 
man pastors.  They  crossed  the  North  Sea 
in  a  yacht  put  at  their  disposal.  Their  tour 
through  Germany  was  a  triumphal  proces- 
sion. The  Emperor  greeted  them  and 
everywhere  they  went  there  were  the  same 
protestations  of  friendship.  What  is  most 
remarkable  in  all  this  has  been  the  more  and 
more  outspoken  conviction  that  the  common 
Christian  tie  was  stronger  than  nationality 
and  that  the  conflicts  of  the  future  must  not 
be  between  nation  and  nation,  but  between 
all  Christians  and  all  the  evil  forces  of  the 
world.  The  followers  of  Jesus  Christ,  though 
living  in  different  lands,  ought  to  be  bound 

[76] 


I?ite7^natio7ial  Ho  spit  ality 

together  by  stronger  ties  than  bind  a  disciple 
and  an  enemy  of  Him  in  the  same  nation. 
This  would  of  course  mean  the  end  of  all  in- 
ternational war  at  once.  Hitherto  the  feel- 
ing of  nationality,  the  old  patriotism  of  "  my 
country  right  or  wrong,"  has  been  stronger 
than  Christianity  in  the  Christian  breast. 
But  now  the  kingdom  is  assuming  chiefer 
interest  in  our  hearts  than  the  country. 
While  speaking  of  Great  Britain  it  should  be 
noted  that  just  at  the  time  of  this  writing  in 
1 910,  a  large  delegation  of  the  P.  S.  A. 
Brotherhood  of  England  (the  P.  S.  A. 
Brotherhood  is  made  up  largely  of  ministers 
and  labour  leaders  and  exists  to  propagate 
the  social  teachings  of  Christianity)  visited 
France  and  Belgium  and  were  received 
with  great  demonstrations  in  some  of  the 
large  industrial  centres,  and  speeches  were 
made  by  Keir  Hardie,  the  popular  labour 
leader,  and  H.  Jeffs,  the  well-known  editor, 
of  London.  Mr.  Jeffs  remarked  amid  much 
cheering  that  "  France  and  England  had  met 
on  five  hundred  battle-fields.  Let  their  future 
rivalries  be  on  the  sunlit  fields  of  civilization^ 
the  fields  of  the  arts  and  industries,  and 
above  all  in  the  divine  work  of  uplifting  the 

[77] 


The  Peace  Proble 


m 


race  to  a  higher  level  of  physical,  social,  and 
moral  well-being." 

These  instances  suffice  to  show  the  promise 
of  good-will  among  men  that  is  in  the  move- 
ment. It  is  growing  with  great  strides.  The 
recent  visit  of  the  San  Francisco  merchants 
to  Japan  and  the  return  visit  of  fifty  eminent 
Japanese  merchants  to  this  country  in  1910 
did  much  to  allay  the  ill-feeling  the  advocates 
of  a  great  navy  try  to  arouse  every  year 
between  Japan  and  the  United  States. 
There  is  rumour  at  this  writing  of  a  plan  to 
invite  a  large  delegation  of  the  best  Ameri- 
cans,— clergymen,  editors,  publicists,  profess- 
ors and  business  men, — to  Japan  for  a  two 
months'  stay.  It  is  too  bad  that  this  country 
instead  of  sending  its  fleet  to  Japan  could 
not  have  sent  a  hundred  of  its  most 
representative  citizens,  those  who  do  its 
thinking,  and  lead  in  its  higher  life,  the 
men  who  represent  our  new  idealism  rather 
than  the  old  and  passing  military  order. 
Then  the  Japanese  would  have  seen  our  real 
greatness  which  is  not  in  our  brute  power 
and  cannon  but  in  our  moral  and  intellectual 
power  and  our  love  of  justice.  In  1907,  Mr. 
Carnegie   invited   some   forty  eminent   men 

[78] 


Internatio7ial  Hospitality 

from  the  various  nations  of  Europe  to  be  his 
guests  for  a  time  in  this  country,  and  to 
attend  the  dedication  of  the  Pittsburg  Insti- 
tute and  Technical  Schools  and  the  great 
National  Congress  of  Peace  and  Arbitration 
held  in  New  York.  One  of  these  guests  re- 
marked at  the  time  :  "  This  visit  in  itself  will 
do  almost  as  much  to  cement  good  feeling 
as  the  Peace  Congress." 

Here  is  a  new  field  of  generosity  where 
philanthropists  can  do  much  good.  Some 
are  already  following  Mr.  Carnegie's  ex- 
ample. Mr.  Edwin  Ginn,  the  founder  of  the 
World's  Peace  Foundation,  has  twice  brought 
that  fervid  apostle  of  universal  brother- 
hood, Rev.  Walter  Walsh,  of  Dundee,  Scot- 
land, to  America  to  address  American  au- 
diences. This  habit  should  be  multiplied  at 
once  until  not  only  single  lecturers  may  be 
invited  as  guests,  but  whole  groups  of  every 
profession  and  calling,  including  groups  of 
labour  leaders,  may  be  frequently  the  guests  of 
their  co-workers  in  other  lands.  But  better 
still,  governments  themselves  should  under- 
take this  hospitality.  Already  there  are  signs 
of  their  doing  this.  Denmark  is  appropriat- 
ing a  small  sum  yearly  for  peace  purposes, 

[79] 


The  Peace  Problem 

part  of  which  is  to  go  towards  hospitaUty.  In 
June,  1907,  Great  Britain  voted  quite  a  sum 
for  this  very  purpose  and  almost  the  first  use 
of  it  was  in  giving  a  dinner  to  the  delegates 
from  foreign  lands  attending  the  Inter- 
national Peace  Congress  in  July  of  the  same 
year.  The  United  States  should  have  been 
the  first  to  have  made  such  an  annual 
appropriation.  Congress  did  appropriate 
$50,000  towards  entertaining  the  foreign 
delegates  to  the  meeting  of  the  Inter-Parlia- 
mentary Union  in  St.  Louis  in  1902,  and  has 
in  this  year  of  19 10  appropriated  a  small  sum 
towards  the  expenses  of  the  Inter-Parhamen- 
tary  Union.  The  United  States  is  spending 
annually  $282,147,000  for  needless  battle- 
ships and  munitions  for  future  wars,  evidently 
believing  the  best  way  to  keep  peace  is  to  put 
a  great  bulldog  in  the  front  yard.  Soon  she 
will  see  that  battle-ships  breed  animosities 
while  friendliness  towards  other  nations 
breeds  peace,  and  will  appropriate  large 
sums  to  bring  guests  from  other  parliaments 
to  be  the  guests  of  our  Congress.  This  will 
bring  international  peace  at  about  one  one- 
thousandth  of  the  present  cost.  Nations 
learn,  only  it  takes  long,  long  time. 

[80]         / 


vr 

MANY  OTHER  SIGNS  OF  THE  NEW  UNITY 

BESIDES  these  four  groups  of  facts, 
which  have  been  almost  startHng  in 
their  rapid  accumulation,  there  has 
been  a  constant  succession  of  events  which, 
while  not  coming  under  classification  in  these 
groups,  are  as  significant  and  are  equally 
surprising  to  those  who  know  the  temper  of 
the  nineteenth  century.  Few  of  the  most 
radical  peace  workers  would  have  dared  to 
prophesy  twenty-five  years  ago  that  the  first 
decade  of  the  twentieth  century  would  have 
witnessed  the  following  things.  Thus,  first 
of  all,  peace  societies  are  springing  up  every- 
where with  remarkable  spontaneity  in  this 
twentieth  century.  One  peace  society  has 
been  in  existence  many  years — the  American 
Peace  Society — founded  in  1815.  It  has 
prepared  the  way  for  the  sudden  and 
spontaneous  popular  interest  in  the  move- 
ment. This  has  been  practically  the  only 
widely  known  peace  society  of  the  nine- 
teenth  century.     The    twentieth    century   is 

[81] 


The  Peace   Proble 


m 


witnessing  formation  of  societies  on  every 
side.  In  1906  the  vigorous  and  already 
widely  influential  Peace  Society  of  the  City 
of  New  York  came  into  existence.  Societies 
are  springing  up  in  all  parts  of  the  country ; 
they  are  growing  rapidly  in  Europe  as  in 
America  ;  their  number  is  now  many.  At 
the  same  time  societies  in  schools  and  col- 
leges are  multiplying.  The  School  Peace 
League,  coextensive  with  state  and  national 
teacher's  associations ;  the  cosmopolitan  clubs, 
composed  of  students  of  all  the  nations  in  our 
colleges ;  the  Corda  Fratres  in  the  conti- 
nental universities  ;  the  large  societies  of  for- 
eigners who  have  come  to  America,  such  as 
the  American-Scandinavian  Society,  the  Ger- 
man-American Peace  Society,  the  Japan  So- 
ciety of  New  York — are  all  significant  indica- 
tions of  the  direction  thought  and  feeling  are 
taking  in  our  day.  The  membership  of  these 
societies  is  also  significant.  In  the  last  cen- 
tury they  were  made  up  largely  of  Friends — 
who  have  always  been  idealists — and  other 
prophetic  men,  those  who  have  been  able  to 
see  righteousness  and  dared  follow  it — clergy- 
men and  seers.  But  now  the  so-called  prac- 
tical men  are  in  the  membership  of  the  so- 

[82] 


Other  Sig?is  of  the  New  U?iity 

ciety.  A  New  York  Peace  Society  dinner 
looks  like  a  banquet  of  the  Chamber  of  Com- 
merce. This  is  all  a  sign  that  the  movement 
has  become  so  universal  and  sure  of  success 
that  the  multitude  gathers  to  it.  It  is  the 
sure  movement  of  our  day. 

Another  thing  worth  noticing  is  the  great 
frequency  with  which  peace  conferences  are 
being  held.  We  refer  more  especially  here 
to  national  conferences.  We  have  already 
spoken  of  the  great  annual  international 
peace  congresses  and  meetings  of  the  inter- 
parliamentary union.  But  the  growth  of 
peace  congresses  in  America  in  this  century 
has  been  phenomenal.  The  greatest  of  these 
has  been  the  Annual  Lake  Mohonk  Confer- 
ences on  International  Arbitration,  estab- 
lished by  that  ardent  lover  of  justice,  Albert 
K.  Smiley,  just  before  this  century  opened. 
At  first  attended  largely  by  members  of  the 
peace  cult,  they  are  now  composed  of  the 
leading  statesmen,  jurists,  clergymen,  editors, 
college  presidents  and  financiers  of  the  land. 
Perhaps  no  single  influence  has  been  so  po- 
tent as  these  conferences  in  the  universal 
peace  movement.  The  movement  towards 
international  courts  and  arbitration   treaties 

[83] 


The  Peace  Problem 


has  received  large  impulse  from  these  an- 
nual conferences.  One  of  its  most  marked 
achievements  has  been  the  interesting  of 
chambers  of  commerce  all  over  the  country  in 
the  peace  movement.  Now  these  great  con- 
gresses are  becoming  very  frequent.  The 
First  National  Peace  Congress,  held  in  New 
York  in  May,  1907,  was  organized  by  the 
American  Peace  Society  and  the  Peace  So- 
ciety of  New  York  working  in  cooperation. 
It  was  one  of  the  most  successful  congresses 
of  any  kind  ever  held.  Thousands  came  to 
it,  and  its  closing  dinner  filled  the  two  largest 
dining-rooms  in  New  York.  Its  speakers 
represented  all  lands  and  all  professions. 
Since  then  the  American  Peace  Society  has 
organized  two  congresses — one  in  Chicago, 
one  in  Hartford.  All  of  these  societies 
hold  frequent  dinners,  at  which  the  leading 
men  of  the  nation  speak.  Their  words  go 
around  the  world.  One  of  the  most  interest- 
ing dinners  ever  given  in  New  York  was  that 
given  by  the  Peace  Society  to  ex-Secretary 
Root.  The  speakers  were  the  Hon.  Joseph  H. 
Choate,  the  United  States  delegate  to  The 
Hague ;  ex-Secretary  of  State  Elihu  Root ; 
Ambassador  James   Bryce;  President   Taft ; 

[84] 


Other  Signs  of  the  New  Unity 

Ambassador  Nabuco,  from  Brazil ;  Baron 
Takahira,  Ambassador  from  Japan.  Their 
addresses  were  all  emphatic  pronounce- 
ments that  the  time  for  wars  between  nations 
had  passed  ;  the  time  for  courts  and  treaties 
had  come.  The  significant  thing  is  that 
twenty  years  ago  it  would  have  been  impos- 
sible to  have  given  a  dinner  with  such  men 
speaking  for  peace. 

•^  Another  indication  of  the  popular  interest 
in  the  peace  movement  is  the  changed  atti- 
tude of  the  press.  Formerly  the  daily  jour- 
nals hardly  noticed  the  peace  movement.  If 
they  did  it  was  to  speak  contemptuously  of 
it.  Now  they  report  the  speeches  made  at 
peace  conferences  almost  more  fully  than  any 
other  addresses.  This  is  a  sure  sign  that  the 
people  at  large  are  interested,  for,  with  the 
exception  of  three  or  four  papers  in  the  United 
States,  no  journal  reports  what  is  important 
or  worthy  so  freely  as  what  they  think  people 
most  want  to  see.  Ten  years  ago  an  editorial 
on  the  peace  movement  was  rarely  seen  in 
the  papers ;  now  all  great  dailies  and  several 
weeklies  throughout  the  country  have  frequent 
editorials  on  the  subject.  Two  prominent 
weekly  papers  of  New  York,  The  Christian 

[85] 


The  Peace  Problem 

Work  and  The  Independe7it,  have  articles 
in  every  issue  on  the  international  move- 
ment by  the  various  leaders  of  the  move- 
ment. Peace  addresses  are  becoming  so 
common  in  all  parts  of  the  world  that 
the  papers  have  to  keep  the  subject  contin- 
ually before  the  people.  This  is  one  of  the 
most  promising  things  for  the  movement. 
-People  form  thought  habits.  They  think  in 
terms  of  that  which  is  continually  before  them. 
If  the  papers  are  full,  all  the  time,  of  war  and 
battle-ships,  men  will  think  in  terms  of  war 
and  force.  If  they  are  full  of  arbitration  and 
arbitral  courts  of  justice,  soon  people  will  be- 
gin to  think  in  terms  of  arbitration  and  courts, 
and  when  a  dispute  arises  between  two  nations 
the  people  will  instinctively  say  arbitration  in- 
stead of  war.  The  press  has  great  power 
here  if  it  would  only  lead,  instead  of  following 
far  in  the  rear.  It  ought  to  see,  by  this  time, 
that  this  century  is  rapidly  substituting  law 
for  war,  and  talk  law  now,  instead  of  devot- 
ing its  pages  to  descriptions  of  naval  en- 
counters of  the  future  and  fights  in  the  air 
between  air-ships  of  various  nations,  which 
will  never  occur.  But  the  press  has  shown  a 
great  change  in  the  past  ten  years  in  this  re- 

[86] 


Other  Signs  of  the  New  Unity 

gard.  It  is  more  and  more  with  the  move- 
ment and  daily  some  paper  joins  the  move- 
ment with  a  surprising  editorial. 

Perhaps  nothing  has  done  more  to  give  the 
peace  movement  remarkable  impulse  and 
dignify  it  as  a  permanent  and  universal  inter- 
est, as  well  as  to  show  how  great  men  of  af- 
fairs are  leading  in  it,  than  the  gifts  of  Edwin 
Ginn  of  Boston  and  Andrew  Carnegie  of  New 
York.  In  1909  Edwin  Ginn  established  the 
World  Peace  Foundation  with  an  endowment 
of  $1,000,000,  This  institution  is  already  en- 
gaged in  active  peace  propaganda  all  over 
the  country.  At  Washington,  in  December, 
1910,  Andrew  Carnegie  announced  a  gift  of 
$10,000,000  to  the  world,  to  be  held  by  a  body 
of  trustees  which  he  named,  the  annual  in- 
come of  which,  half  a  million  dollars,  is  to  be 
used  for  the  furtherance  of  the  permanent 
peace  of  nations.  The  announcement  has 
sent  a  thrill  of  encouragement  through  all  the 
world.  The  income  is  to  be  used,  at  the  dis- 
cretion of  the  trustees,  in  all  ways  that  may 
hasten  the  universal  adoption  of  arbitration 
treaties,  and  theestablishment  of  the  Supreme 
Courts  of  Nations,  the  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice 
at  The  Hague,  whose  temple,  presented  by 

[87] 


The  Peace  Problem 

Mr.  Carnegie,  is  already  rising  in  its  prophetic 
splendour.  Mr.  Carnegie's  great  Hero  Funds, 
in  the  United  States,  Great  Britain,  France 
and  Germany,  are  really  peace  funds,  for  their 
use  is  restricted  to  the  heroisms  of  peace,  and 
are  in  emphasis  of  the  gospel  Mr.  Carnegie 
is  so  forcibly  preaching  by  pen  and  voice  that 
the  men  who  save  life,  not  those  who  take  it, 
are  the  real  heroes  of  the  world. 

The  adoption  of  the  cause  by  the  great 
statesmen,  publicists  and  rulers  in  the  United 
States,  Great  Britain  and  France  is  one  of  the 
most  far-reaching  influences,  as  well  as  happy 
omen,  of  the  century's  strides  towards  broth- 
erhood. In  the  United  States  such  men  as 
Secretaries  of  State  Hay,  Root  and  Knox 
have  all  been  great  workers  for  international 
arbitration.  Secretary  Hay  interested  him- 
self in  unifying  South  America ;  Secretary 
Root  signed  twenty-three  arbitration  treaties  ; 
Secretary  Knox  has  sent  a  plan  for  an  Arbi- 
tral Court  of  Justice  to  the  nations,  and  is 
making  many  splendid  peace  addresses.  In 
Congress  are  such  ardent  peace  workers  as 
Representatives  Bartholdt  and  Tawney  and 
Foster,  and  such  advocates  of  law  in  place 
of    vast    navies    as    Senators    Burton    and 

[88] 


Other  Signs  of  the  New  U?iity 

Hale.  The  late  Associate  Justice  Brewer  was 
an  ardent  worker  for  international  peace. 
Ex-Secretary  John  VV.  Foster  has  rendered 
valuable  service  at  The  Hague  and  at 
home,  both  through  diplomacy  and  books. 
Our  leading  statesmen  are  fast  joining  the 
movement,  only  those  who  lack  prophetic 
vision  and  are  bound  in  the  fetters  of  a  pass- 
ing militarism  remaining  out  of  it.  Our  lead- 
ing college  presidents,  clergymen,  professors, 
editors  and  business  men  are  everywhere  more 
and  more  seeing  that  it  is  the  movement  of 
the  day.  But  best  of  all  the  presidents  of  the 
United  States  are  becoming  prophets  and 
leaders  of  the  movement.  President  Taft  has 
publicly  taken  his  stand  with  the  most  radical 
peace  advocates  in  his  now  world-famous 
speech  before  the  Peace  and  Arbitration 
League  in  New  York,  in  April,  1910,  when 
he  openly  declared  himself  as  favouring  the 
inclusion  of  all  subjects,  even  those  of  vital 
honour,  in  the  arbitration  treaties  of  the  fu- 
ture. This  is  the  most  radical  peace  utter- 
ance that  any  head  of  nations  has  yet  made. 
But  the  significant  thing  is  that  any  king  or 
emperor  or  president  should  have  made  the 
remark.     At  the  dedication  in  Washington 

[89] 


The  Peace  Problem 

of  the  beautiful  palace  for  the  Bureau  of 
American  Republics,  given  by  Andrew  Car- 
negie, Esq.,  when  Mr.  Carnegie,  Senator 
Root  and  Secretary  Knox  all  made  peace  ad- 
dresses. President  Taft  again  spoke  radically, 
to  the  effect  that  no  two  nations  of  the 
American  continent  had  any  right  to  go  to 
war  and  disturb  all  the  others,  and  that  he 
hoped  the  time  would  soon  come  when  the 
nineteen  nations  would  say  to  the  other  two 
preparing  for  war,  "  You  must  stop  !  "  Again 
at  the  banquet  of  the  Society  for  the  Settlement 
of  International  Disputes,  held  in  Washing- 
ton, December  17,  1910,  President  Taft  said: 
"  If  now  we  can  negotiate  and  put  through  a 
positive  agreement  with  some  great  nation 
to  abide  the  adjudication  of  an  international 
arbitral  court  in  every  issue  which  cannot  be 
settled  by  negotiation,  no  matter  what  it  in- 
volves, whether  honour,  territory  or  money, 
we  shall  have  made  a  long  step  forward  by 
demonstrating  that  it  is  possible  for  two  na- 
tions at  least  to  establish  as  between  them  the 
same  system  of  due  process  of  law  that  exists 
between  individuals  under  a  government." 
Ex-President  Roosevelt,  while  being  still,  un- 
fortunately,  unable    to  speak  on  this  great 

[90] 


Other  Signs  of  the  New  Unity 

subject  without  qualification  and  reservations, 
has  nevertheless  come  out  strongly  in  his 
speech  before  the  Nobel  Commission,  at 
Christiania,  for  a  permanent  court,  arbitra- 
tion treaties,  simultaneous  limitation  of  arma- 
ments and  a  league  of  peace.  Much  to  the 
surprise  of  even  the  most  sanguine,  Con- 
gress has  lately  made  an  appropriation 
of  5^10,000  for  a  commission  to  study 
means  of  world-federation  and  disarmament, 
with  the  end  of  securing  permanent  peace. 
What  is  true  of  the  United  States  is  also  true, 
although  in  a  lesser  degree,  of  the  European 
nations.  The  late  King  Edward  VII  has  been 
universally  referred  to  as  the  Peacemaker. 
It  was  a  tide  he  delighted  in.  He  was  much 
interested  in  the  movement  for  international 
peace  and  took  every  opportunity  to  further 
the  growing  sentiment  in  Europe  for  arbitra- 
tion. The  English  Parliament  has  a  large 
group  of  peace  workers,  among  whom  the 
labour  leaders,  like  Keir  Hardie,  are  very 
prominent.  The  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer 
and  leader  of  the  Liberal  forces  of  England, 
David  Lloyd-George,  is  a  radical  peace  man. 
In  France  Baron  d'Estournelles  de  Constant, 
one  of  France's  leading  Senators,  is  also  the 

[91] 


The    Peace  Proble 


m 


leader  of  the  peace  workers  of  that  nation. 
Emperor  WilHam  of  Germany  is  taking  every 
opportunity  to  apologize  for  his  army,  on  the 
ground  that  he  keeps  it  up  to  preserve  the 
peace  of  Europe.  He  is  making  frequent 
peace  speeches.  All  this  was  unheard  of  in 
the  last  century.  It  is  becoming  the  com- 
mon custom  of  the  new. 

We  will  not  attempt  to  enlarge  upon  an- 
other significant  fact  of  this  new  century, 
namely,  the  sudden  and  prolific  production 
of  books  and  pamphlets  on  the  movement  for 
international  unity,  world  peace  and  interna- 
tional law.  But  we  will  turn  to  what  is  per- 
haps, after  all,  the  surest  promise  of  the  fed- 
eration of  the  nations,  the  unity  of  the  races, 
the  brotherhood  of  man,  namely,  those  subtle, 
spiritual  awakenings  and  movements  of  this 
century — movements  whose  motions  one 
cannot  tabulate,  but  which  are  the  most  po- 
tent forces  for  the  new  world,  as  spiritual  and 
ethical  forces  are  always  greatest.  These 
movements  are  very  pronounced.  They 
show  the  mood,  the  temper,  the  trend  of  the 
century.  The  first  and  greatest  of  these  new 
facts  is  this  :  we  are  at  last  passing  up  into 
that  realm  of  ethics  where  we  are  seeing  that 

[92] 


Other  Signs  of  the  New  Unity 


the  same  ethic  is  binding  upon  groups  of 
people  that  controls  and  determines  the  re- 
lations of  individuals  to  each  other.  The 
trouble  has  been  that  we  have  been  living 
under  two  standards  of  ethics — Christian  for 
individuals,  pagan  for  groups,  communities, 
nations.  We  have  demanded  that  individuals 
live  as  Christians  towards  each  other,  but  have 
complacently  allowed  corporations  and  nations 
to  live  as  pirates  towards  each  other.  But  there 
is  no  such  a  thing  as  a  double  standard  of  ethics 
in  the  kingdom  of  God.  That  which  is  right 
for  a  man  is  right  for  the  state ;  that  which 
is  wrong  for  a  man  to  do  is  wrong  for  a  cor- 
poration or  nation  to  do.  Taking  things  or 
land  that  do  not  belong  to  one  is  just  as  much 
stealing  when  done  by  a  nation  as  when  done 
by  a  man.  If  it  '.,  wrong  for  me  to  take  re- 
venge, it  is  wrong  for  a  naUon  to  take  re- 
venge, if  it  is  wrong  for  me  to  settle  mv 
dif^culties  on  the  street  with  my  fistb,  ii  is 
wrong  for  the  nations  to  settle  their  difficul- 
ties on  the  seas  with  gunboats.  Nations  are 
under  the  same  la-.v  of  charity  and  forgive- 
ness as  individufils  in  any  system  of  ethics 
that  can  la[.t.  The  law  of  my  country 
towards  Japan  is  the  law  that  governs  me  in 

[93] 


The  Peace  Proble 


m 


my  relations  with  my  brother  in  my  town. 
If  it  is  wrong  for  me  to  kill  my  brother  on  the 
streets  of  my  city,  it  is  just  as  wrong  for  a 
nation  to  destroy  a  brother  nation  in  this 
beautiful  world.  Both  the  Cnurch  and  the 
nation  have  been  full  of  this  spurious,  double, 
unchristian  morality.  It  has  been  largely 
responsible  for  rotten,  thievish  business 
methods  of  some  corporations  and  insurance 
companies,  for  the  corruption  in  civic  and  na- 
tional life,  as  well  as  for  the  unchristian  rela- 
tionships of  nations.  It  is  passing  very  fast, 
and  the  most  hopeful  augury  of  a  new  inter- 
nationalism is  this  arising  in  the  race  con- 
science of  a  morality  really  Christian  and 
single,  in  which  communities  and  nations  are 
accountable  at  the  same  bar  of  righteousness 
as  is  a  man. 

^  Another  movement  gathering  great  head- 
way in  our  century  is  the  revival  of  the  social 
gospel  in  the  Church  and  in  the  world  of  all 
good  men.  The  gospel  of  the  last  century 
was  directed  towards  saving  the  individual 
out  of  the  evil  of  the  world,  and  it  laid  great 
stress  on  the  bliss  awaiting  the  saved  one  in 
the  world  to  come.  The  Church  can  never 
neglect  personal  religion,  for  man's  individual 

[94] 


Other  Sig?is  of  the  New  Unity 

oneness  with  God  is  a  great  factor  in  his  Hfe. 
(But  the  Church  is  now  seeing  that  its  final 
object  is  not  so  much  saving  one  man  out  of 
a  corrupt  society  and  social  order  into  heaven 
as  the  redeeming  of  the  very  order  itself,  so 
that  the  will  of  God  shall  be  done  on  earth  as 
it  is  in  heaven.  This  new,  social,  conscious- 
ness is  giving  birth  to  a  great  revival  of  hu- 
maneness and  is  imparting  to  the  Church  the 
determination  to  build  the  kingdom  of  God, 
the  beautiful  city  of  God  in  the  earth.  Con- 
sequently she  is  driving  out  every  evil  that 
makes  the  kingdom  impossible  and  degrades 
God's  little  children,  A  great  campaign 
against  child  labour,  the  saloon,  corrupt  poli- 
tics, unjust  economic  conditions,  the  exploi- 
tation of  the  weak  and  the  foreigner,  against 
all  that  makes  the  kingdom  impossible  and 
debases  men  has  begun.  Hatred  between 
races,  wars  between  nations,  are  the  worst  of 
these  degrading  forces.  The  moral  damage 
of  war  is  worse  than  the  physical  suffering  it 
brings,  as  Rev.  Walter  Walsh,  D.D.,  has 
shown  in  his  recent  remarkable  book,  "  The 
Moral  Damage  of  War."  Wars  destroy  the 
Christian  nurture  of  centuries.  They  let 
loose   again   the   worst   lusts,    passions  and 

[95] 

7 
f 

/ 


The   Peace  Problem 

hatreds  of  men.  They  plunge  nations  back 
again  into  paganism.  The  new  social  gospel 
is  already  attacking  it,  along  with  all  those 
evils  that  make  the  coming  of  the  Christ- 
spirit  into  the  social  fabric  impossible,  for  the 
kingdom  of  Christ  must  be  built  up  on  the 
law  of  love  and  not  that  of  force.  If  the 
Church  should  say  to-morrow,  "  Wars  must 
stop ;  arbitration  must  be  resorted  to,"  wars 
would  stop.  But  the  whole  logic  of  her  pres- 
ent thinking  will  make  her  say  so  before  the 
twentieth  century  is  half  gone. 

The  one  word  that  is  on  all  men's  lips  to- 
day is  the  brotherhood  of  man.  It  is  passing 
up  out  of  the  world  of  sentiment  into  a  work- 
ing gospel.  In  America  it  is  rapidly  becom- 
ing a  fact  in  spite  of  occasional  relapses.  It  is 
seen  in  the  mingling  of  all  the  races  in  Amer- 
ica. Dr.  Edward  Everett  Hale  used  to  call 
the  United  States  the  greatest  peace  society  in 
existence.  He  had  in  mind  the  forty-six 
states  living  together  without  wars  between 
each  other.  Perhaps  he  also  had  in  mind 
the  fact  that  fifty  once  hostile  races  now  live, 
house  to  house,  in  friendship  and  peace. 
What  effect  this  can  have  on  the  peace  of 
the  world  has  been  lucidly  pointed  out  in  Jane 

[96] 


A 


Other  Signs  of  the  New  Unity 

Addams'  "Newer  Ideals  of  Peace,"  How- 
ever this  may  be,  brotherhood  of  man  is  at- 
tracting more  response  in  our  day  than  the 
older  style  of  patriotism,  which  saw  no  good 
outside  its  own  border.  The  many  labour 
organizations  and  the  social  democracy  of 
Europe,  with  all  their  shortcomings,  are  yet 
a  groping  towards  brotherhood.  Democracy 
is  coming  to  its  own  in  this  century,  and 
democracy,  in  its  ideals  at  least,  is  brother- 
hood— a  state  where  the  ruling  principle  is, 
All  for  each  and  each  for  all.  Democracy 
and  war  are  incompatible,  as  this  century 
will  prove. 

One  other  sign  of  the  coming  of  the  reign 
bf  law  in  this  century  is,  to  some  minds,  the 
most  convincing  of  all,  namely,  that  all  our 
thinking  to-day  is  gathering  about  the  prin- 
ciple of  evolution,  and  evolution  is  only  na- 
ture's way  of  passing  from  brute  to  spirit. 
This  law  has  never  failed  in  any  other  field 
of  operation.  In  every  sphere  of  human  ac- 
tion the  brute,  the  physical,  has  passed  on  up 
into  the  spiritual  and  the  realm  of  moral  law. 
One  instance  will  suffice  :  Once  men  settled 
all  disputes  by  fierce,  unregulated,  hand-to- 
hand  fights.     Then  this  single  combat  came 

[97] 


f^ 


The  Peace   Proble 


m 


to  be  governed  by  men.  This,  in  turn,  was 
superseded  by  the  duel.  The  duel  is  much 
higher  than  a  fist  fight,  because  the  element 
of  regulation  enters  in.  But  the  duel  was  out- 
grown. Men  had  risen  to  courts,  and  as  men 
have  increased  in  virtue  courts  are  not  used  so 
much.  Men  are  learning  to  forbear  and  for- 
give. Now,  if  war  should  show  any  signs  of 
coming  under  the  same  principle,  what  sane 
man  can  believe  the  principle  will  break  down 
here,  where  it  has  not  in  any  other  case  ?  It 
will  not.  It  cannot.  Evdlution  does  not  break 
down  I  It  is  God  operating,  and  when  God 
begins  He  finished  But  war  has  come  un- 
der the  principle:'  It  has  gone  a  long  way 
under  it.  Once  wars  were  the  normal  state 
of  society.  Now  all  agree  they  are  abnormal 
and  peace  is  normal.  Once  wars  were  con- 
tinuous and  peace  occasional.  N9W  peace 
is  continuous  and  war  occasional'  The  oc- 
casions are  growing  further  and  further  apart 
all  the  time.  Once  war  was  the  profession 
of  all  able-bodied  men,  except  the  priests. 
In  the  United  States  peace  is  the  profession 
of  everybody  and  soldiering  thought  less  and 
less  of  as  a  trade.  Once  war  was  unregu- 
lated ;  now  there  are  a  hundred  humane  laws, 

[98] 


Other  Signs  of  the  New  Unity 

the  two  Hague  Conferences  having  added 
many  new  ones  to  those  which  had  already 
gradually  grown  up  with  the  years.  Once 
nations  freely  made  wars  for  pillage  and 
plunder.  To-day  no  nation  would  think  of 
such  a  thing,  nor  dare  to  carry  it  out  if  she 
did.  A  war  to-day  must  at  least  have  the 
semblance  of  rights  defended  or  justice 
sought  as  an  excuse.  Once  every  dispute 
was  settled  by  war.  Now  fully  one-third  of 
international  disputes  are  put  out  of  the  zone 
where  war  is  possible  by  existing  arbitration 
treaties.  And  he  who  reads  can  see  that  the 
peace  talk  to-day  is  more  than  holding  its 
own,  and  gradually  displacing  the  war  talk. 
Shall  the  law  of  evolution  in  this  regard  stop 
short  here,  let  us  ask  again,  when  it  has  ful- 
filled itself  in  every  other  spiritual  principle? 
Shall  God  fail  here  after  having  gone  so  won- 
derfully far  ?  Who  can  think  so,  especially 
to-day,  when  some  think  they  even  catch 
glimpses  of  that  reign  of  law  that  is  to  su- 
persede war? 


[99] 


VII 

THE  OBSTACLES  IN  THE  WAY 

BEFORE  turning,  in  our  last  chapter, 
to  consider  the  things  that  should  im- 
mediately be  done,  let  us  for  a  mo- 
ment see  some  of  the  obstacles  in  the  way  of 
the  movement  towards  the  substitution  of 
law  for  war  and  the  unifying  of  the  interests 
of  mankind.  We  shall  find  these  obstacles 
of  three  sorts,  those  that  are  old  and  linger 
on,  which  have  always  been  and  which  will 
naturally  yield  before  the  new  order  as  the 
old  is  always  supplanted  by  the  new ;  those 
which  arise  as  the  new  comes,  to  grapple 
with  it,  just  as  the  new  always  arouses  un- 
heard-of enemies  ;  and  those  which  are  born 
out  of  the  disturbing  of  the  things  that  have 
always  been.  For  one  great  enemy  of  the 
new  is  that  group  of  men  who  dread  change 
of  any  sort,  fearing  even  change  for  the  bet- 
ter, lest  they  be  disturbed  by  the  loss  of  busi- 
ness— for  disarmament  will  revolutionize  all 
the  business  of  the  world.  Under  these  three 
general  classes  are  found  all  the  obstacles. 


The  Obstacles  in  the   Jf^ay 

They  are  not  small.  The  enemies  of  peace 
are  legion  and  the  success  of  international- 
ism is  awaking  its  enemies  to  their  most  vig- 
orous fight.  That  they  must  give  way  is 
patent  to  any  prophetic  eye.  Their  very 
frenzy  is  sign  of  their  desperation.  But 
they  have  great  forces  behind  them — the 
past,  and  conservatism,  two  terrific  forces, 
and  these  things  which  we  will  now  briefly 
mention,  one  by  one.  They  must  yield,  but 
we  can  defeat  them  more  quickly  if  we  know 
just  what  they  are. 

There  is  the  fact  that  the  whole  political 
and  social  structure  of  Europe  is  based  on 
militarism.  In  Germany,  for  instance,  it  not 
only  underlies  all  the  state,  but  it  is  inter- 
woven through  the  whole  social  fabric  and  is 
bred  into  the  very  bones  of  the  people. 
Every  man  serves  in  the  army.  The  army 
is  considered  the  school  of  the  nation.  The 
nation  is  thought  to  rest  on  the  army.  The 
Emperor  and  princes  are  always  uniformed 
as  soldiers.  This  army  is  always  in  sight. 
It  is  the  most  honourable  profession.  The 
soldier  has,  until  very  recently,  outranked 
the  poet,  philosopher,  university  professor, 
and  statesman.     It  is  the  highest  social  rank. 

[lOl] 


The  Peace  Proble 


m 


A  member  of  the  Reichstag  can   marry  his 
cook  if  he  wishes  to  ;  an  army  officer  cannot 
marry  the  most  famous  opera  singer  because 
she  has  taken   money  for  service.     It  is  to 
the  army  the  young  men  look  for  success 
and  promotion,  as  in  the  United  States  they 
look  to  business  or  professions.     The  army 
being  so  much  in  evidence,  the  boys  and  girls, 
the  men  and   women,   all   the   people  think 
in  military  terms ; — the  language  and  litera- 
ture are  coloured  by  it.     To  millions  no  other 
order   of    society  ever   entered   their   minds 
until    this    century.     Even   the   church   has 
been  linked  up  with  it  and  has  been  litde 
more  prophetic  than    the  state.      The  very 
news   of    Hague   Conferences  has  been  be- 
wildering  to  them.     To  some  German  vil- 
lagers   with    whom    we    once    talked    in    a 
country    town    in    Bavaria,    it    was    all    as 
mystifying    and    unbelievable    as   the    New 
Jerusalem    coming    down    out    of     heaven. 
They  hoped  it  could  be  true,  but  they  could 
not  see  how  a  state  could  exist  apart  from 
militarism  any  more  than  we  can  conceive  of 
a  city  where  there  is  no  law.     Then,  too,  of 
course  the  whole   economic  order  is  deter- 
mined  by   this   military   system.     Half    the 

[  I02] 


The   Obstacles  in  the   Way 

young  men  are  supported  for  a  while  in  the 
army.  The  women  work  in  streets  and  fields 
in  consequence.  All  business  is  governed  by  it. 
One  can  easily  see  the  remarkable  industrial, 
agricultural  and  commercial  revolution  that 
has  got  to  take  place  with  the  release  of 
these  hundreds  and  thousands  to  productive 
labour.  To  change  Europe  from  a  world 
based  on  militarism  to  one  based  on  in- 
dustry and  law  is  no  small  task  even  were 
all  agreed  it  was  better. 

But  all  are  not  agreed  that  it  is  better,  and 
so  we  have  a  second  obstacle,  namely,  those 
who  either  believe  in  militarism,  or  who 
want  it  retained  because  of  ambition,  em- 
ployment or  commercial  gain.  The  number 
of  those  who  believe  in  militarism  as  the  best 
order  are  growing  smaller  and  smaller  under 
the  influence  of  the  new  democracy.  They 
are  perhaps  few  in  America.  But  there  are 
many  in  Europe.  Not  long  ago  one  of  Ger- 
many's leading  statesmen  wrote  a  long  pam- 
phlet against  arbitration  courts,  insisting  that 
the  nation  would  lose  both  its  self-respect  and 
its  vigour  if  it  entered  into  a  general  arbitra- 
tion treaty,  and  that  that  was  the  strongest 
and  livest  nation  having  the  only  one  source 

[  103] 


The  Peace  Proble 


m 


of  permanency,  which  was  strong  enough  to 
act  independently  of  other  nations  and 
defend  its  honour  at  any  time.  This  feehng 
is  still  strong  in  Europe.  It  is  natural,  be- 
cause Europe  has  been  suckled  at  the  breasts 
of  militarism.  The  older  men  can  see  no 
other  foundation  for  nationality  or  independ- 
ence or  safety.  That  will  pass.  But  there  is 
a  more  insistent  foe — namely,  that  great 
number  of  army  and  navy  officers  who  see 
power  slipping  from  their  hands  with  the 
process  of  disarmament  and  the  great  in- 
dustrial trusts  which  grow  fat  on  $12,000,000 
battle-ships,  millions  of  rifles,  tons  of  powder, 
uniforms,  provisions,  and  other  things.  In 
most  European  nations,  and  to  some  extent 
in  our  own,  the  military  party  have  a  firm 
grip  on  the  reins  of  government.  How 
easily  they  could  work  England  into  a  war 
scare  and  make  her  vote  millions  of  pounds 
of  her  very  livelihood  away  for  a  lot  of 
dreadnaughts  for  which  she  has  no  more 
need  than  she  has  for  Chinese  junks  has 
recently  been  seen.  Disarmament  means 
loss  of  power  for  them  ;  Hague  Courts  and 
arbitration  treaties  loss  of  every  occupation. 
They  are  fighting  their  most  desperate  game 

[  104] 


The  Obstacles  in  the  Way 

now  both  in  Europe  and  America.  The 
greatest  tribute  to  the  growth  of  the  peace 
cause  is  their  desperation.  But  danger  lurks 
here.  Even  in  our  own  country  they  are 
leaguing  themselves  with  the  great  trusts 
whose  interests  are  also  at  stake,  and  using 
every  possible  means  to  stimulate  the  growth 
of  militarism.  Such  men  as  President  Nich- 
olas Murray  Butler,  Dr.  Charles  E.  Jefferson 
and  Mr.  Oswald  Garrison  Villard,  have 
recendy  called  attention  to  the  activity  at 
Washington  of  the  officers  of  the  various 
steel,  nickel,  powder,  oil  trusts  and  others  in 
connection  with  appropriations  for  vast 
navies.  The  Navy  League  has  been  formed 
to  fire  the  minds  of  youth  with  the  glory  of 
war-ships.  Great  naval  parades  are  organ- 
ized and  fleets  sent  round  the  world,  thus 
keeping  the  glory  of  the  navy  before  the 
people  in  spectacular  manner.  Every  year, 
just  when  the  bill  for  big  battle-ships  goes 
into  Congress,  somebody  suddenly  learns 
that  Japan  is  meditating  an  attack  upon  us. 
We  hear  a  good  deal  about  putting  rifle 
practice  into  public  schools,  and  establishing 
chairs  to  teach  college  men  to  kill  their 
brothers  at  first  shot.    There  is  much  danger 

[105] 


The  Peace  Proble 


m 


here.  But  the  very  panic  of  energy  into 
which  these  men  have  been  thrown,  their 
attacks  on  the  peace  movement,  their  at- 
tempts to  minimize  the  work  of  The  Hague 
Conference  is  a  sign  of  the  anachronism  of 
their  presence  in  this  new  century.  They 
belong  to  the  century  that  is  gone. 

Another  obstacle  to  be  overcome  is  the 
lingering  hold  of  the  old  form  of  patriotism 
which  identifies  love  of  one's  own  country 
with  a  blind  allegiance  to  her  course  whether 
right  or  wrong,  with  the  mistrust  of  other 
nations  and  with  military  service  and  guns. 
One  of  the  happiest  omens  is  that  this  is  rap- 
idly changing.  The  public  schools  are  grad- 
ually broadening  their  thought  of  allegiance 
to  country  and  considering  the  heroes  of 
peace,  and  the  opportunity  of  heroism  in 
every-day  civic  and  social  spheres.  But 
much  of  the  older  form  of  patriotism  lingers. 
It  is  seen  in  the  songs  we  sing  and  the 
speeches  we  make  on  Memorial  Day  and  In- 
dependence Day.  It  is  seen  in  our  literature 
for  young  people.  It  is  typified  in  a  recent 
picture  called  "  A  Lesson  in  Patriotism " 
where  an  old  man  is  teaching  a  boy  to  handle 
a  gun.     It  is  still  largely  identified  with  guns 

[io6] 


The   Obstacles  in  the  Way 

and  armies  and  distrust  of  foreign  nations  in 
many  minds.  It  thinks  of  the  patriot  as  one 
who  dies  for  his  country  rather  than  as  one 
who  lives  for  it  and  loves  it  enough  to  re- 
buke it  and  insist  that  it  do  justice  to  other 
nations  and  not  shame  itself  in  their  eyes. 
But  the  change  for  the  better  is  rapidly  ad- 
vancing here. 

Perhaps  after  all  the  greatest  obstacle  to 
the  movement  of  our  century  towards  inter- 
national brotherhood  is  a  spiritual  one — the 
same  obstacle  that  has  stood  in  the  way  of 
every  good  in  history  which  the  prophets 
have  foreseen  and  urged,  namely,  distrust  by 
good  people  of  their  own  faith  ;  their  disbelief 
in  the  power  of  the  gospel  they  all  accept  and 
confess,  to  accomplish  the  great  things  it 
promises ;  their  fear  to  walk  in  untried  ways. 
The  peace  movement  is  encountering  this 
distrust  of  good  men  just  as  has  every  other 
great  movement,  and  it  is  proving  its  worst 
foe  as  it  did  in  all  other  instances.  It  is  not 
militarism  that  the  peace  movement  need 
chiefly  fear.  Militarism  is  doomed.  It  is  not 
commercialism.  Commercialism  would  not 
stand  a  day  against  the  enroused  conscience 
of  humanity.     It  is  not  love  of  war,  or  that 

[  107  ] 


The  Peace  Problem 


men  do  not  think  war  evil.  The  modern  hu- 
mane spirit  grows  so  fast  that  nearly  all  men 
think  war  evil.  Its  greatest  foe  is  that  great 
company  of  Christian  people,  church  people, 
who  think  war  is  cruel,  devilish,  that  it  vio- 
lates all  instincts  of  human  brotherhood  and 
is  the  blackest  curse  of  our  day,  the  paganism 
of  our  Christian  era,  blat  who  do  not  believe 
their  own  gospel.  Xhey  say,  "  War  has  al- 
ways been,  therefore  it  needs  must  always  be." 
"  People  always  have  fought,  therefore  they 
always  will."  "You  cannot  change  human 
nature."  All  this,  in  spite  of  the  one  funda- 
mental claim  of  the  gospel  to  make  all  things 
new,  and  the  fact  that  history  has  been  noth- 
ing but  the  changing  of  human  nature  both 
in  individuals  and  societies.' 

But  as  great  revolutions  in  human  society 
have  been  accomplished  by  Christianity,  in 
spite  of  the  lack  of  faith  in  it  of  its  followers, 
as  is  the  change  from  war  to  law.  When 
Jesus  first  preached  the  law  of  forgiveness  to 
displace  hatred  and  revenge,  men  gasped  in 
astonishment.  The  good  people  all  said,  "  It 
is  beautiful,  but  ideal,  visionary.  You  cannot 
change  human  nature."  Now  it  is  the  rec- 
ognized law  of  Christians.     When  the  first 

[io8] 


The   Obstacles  i?i  the   IV ay 

prophet  proclaimed  democracy  in  the  midst 
of  some  tyrannical  autocracy,  again  the  good 
people  all  agreed  that  it  was  a  beautiful  thing 
— but  a  dream,  an  impossible  heaven  of  the 
poet.  "  Men  could  not  govern  themselves 
even  if  allowed  to  try.  They  have  no  capac- 
ity," they  all  said.  Once  all  the  cities  and 
dungeons  of  Europe  were  full  of  slaves.  As 
the  Christian  humanity  grew,  those  prophets 
who  got  close  to  the  mind  of  Christ  saw  that 
it  contradicted  all  the  spirit  of  Christ's  life 
and  teaching,  made  impossible  any  real 
brotherhood  of  man.  Again  they  were  met 
by  the  palsy  of  faith  in  those  good  people 
who  agreed  it  was  evil  but  could  see  no  hope. 
The  change  came  in  spite  of  this  distrust  in 
humanity's  capacity  to  grow.  Perhaps  the 
best  illustration  of  all  is  that  of  the  abolish- 
ment of  torture.  In  Niirnberg  the  old  tower 
stands  where  one  is  shown  the  horrible  in- 
struments of  torture  including  "  the  iron 
virgin  "  which  w  ere  not  only  freely  used  in 
the  sixteenth  century,  but  which  afforded 
biggest  delight  to  the  citizens  at  large,  for 
they  came  in  large  crowds  to  enjoy  the  tor- 
ture. One  day  the  preacher  in  Strasburg  on 
the  Rhine  said,  "  This  torture  is  unchristian. 

[  109  ] 


The   Peace  Proble 


m 


It  is  brutal.  It  is  inhuman  and  barbarous. 
It  is  time  it  were  stopped  forever."  The  good 
people  in  the  church  all  said,  "  Yes,  it  is  un- 
christian, pagan,  degrading.  But  you  can- 
not stop  it.  Men  have  always  tortured,  they 
always  will.  It  is  deep-rooted  in  the  very 
structure  of  society.  You  cannot  change  hu- 
man nature.  The  millennium  is  far  off."  As 
a  matter  of  fact  torture  was  stopped  almost 
immediately  and  now  any  one  who  should 
recommend  it  again  would  be  looked  upon  as 
insane.' 

We  give  these  instances  for  two  reasons. 
The  first  because  war  is  no  more  ingrained  in 
the  necessity  of  human  civilization  than  any 
of  these  other  evils  which  have  passed  away. 
As  a  matter  of  fact  it  looks  as  if  it  were  going 
to  be  easier  to  overthrow  the  war  system  and 
supplant  it  with  law,  than  it  was  to  overthrow 
absolutism  in  government  and  slavery  as  an 
institution.  As  a  matter  of  fact  many  more 
deeply  intrenched  evils  than  war,  evils  which 
left  a  greater  gap  to  be  filled,  would  have 
been  banished  ages  sooner,  had  Christians 

•  For  an  interesting  discussion  of  this  whole  problem  see  An- 
drew D.  White's  "  Seven  Great  Statesmen,"  the  chapter  on 
"  Thomasius." 

[no] 


The   Obstacles  in  the   Way 

dared  follow  their  prophets  to  the  conclusion 
of  their  own  gospel.  To-day  if  the  Chris- 
tians would  follow  their  own  gospel  or  would 
half  take  Christianity  at  its  word  there  would 
never  be  another  war  between  nations. 
Many  are  devoutly  praying  that  the  good 
people  of  to-day  are  not  going  to  be  left 
stranded  a  hundred  years  behind  the  times 
as  they  were  in  all  these  other  instances. 
Particularly  the  young  men  of  this  age  of 
fast  moving  reforms  should  be  in  the  front 
with  the  prophets. 

The  other  reason  why  we  give  these  illustra- 
tions is  to  show  that  it  is  not  necessary  to 
change  the  human  nature  of  all  people  or  to 
wipe  out  the  popular  prejudices  or  overcome 
ancient  habits  of  thought  in  all  the  populace. 
It  is  the  prophets  and  the  leaders  who  make 
the  changes  of  the  world.  The  talk  of  vox 
Popiili  is  often  more  of  delusion  than  a  real- 
ity. Let  us  make  enough  of  the  preachers, 
teachers,  editors,  and  particularly  statesmen 
to  see  the  reasonableness  and  inevitableness 
of  the  new  order,  and  it  can  be  at  once  es- 
tablished and  the  great  changes  made.  If 
we  could  convince  the  heads  of  six  nations 
with    their    parliaments    that   a   League   of 

[III] 


The  Peace  Proble 


m 


Peace  was  desirable  we  would  soon  have 
the  combination  of  nations  to  preserve  the 
peace  of  the  world.  This  is  the  way  many 
of  these  other  changes  came.  If  the  dele- 
gates assembled  at  the  Third  Hague  Confer- 
ence should  vote  for  a  permanent  court,  the 
world  would  sustain  them.  Indeed  it  is  not 
a  matter  of  the  world.  It  is  a  matter  of  the 
lawmakers.  But  public  sentiment  helps  won- 
derfully and  both  educates  and  urges  the 
legislatures  and  courts.  And  there  is  no 
need  of  being  discouraged  even  at  the  pos- 
sibility of  creating  a  new  sentiment  and  rev- 
olutionary impulse  in  the  world  at  large. 
/The  only  real  hindrance  to  immediate  and 
everlasting  international  peace  is  the  timidity 
and  silence  of  those  who  believe  in  it  and 
want  it.  Let  all  men  who  believe  in  the 
community  of  nations,  the  supremacy  of  the 
kingdom  of  God,  and  the  brotherhood  of 
man  speak  at  once.  The  abolition  of  war 
and  the  reign  of  law  is  no  whit  more  impos- 
sible than  a  hundred  things  civilization  has 
already  banished  or  gained. 


[112] 


VIII 

THE  IMMEDIATE  TASK 

IN  this  last  chapter  we  wish  to  emphasize 
some  things  that  are  next  and  immedi- 
ately to  be  accomplished.  Of  course 
the  whole  book  is  in  emphasis  of  these  things, 
because  the  task  of  the  century  is  to  finish  as 
soon  as  possible  the  task  of  world  federation 
it  already  has  begun,  and  to  take  next  steps 
in  the  lines  on  which  the  practical  people 
of  all  nations  are  now  working.  But  it  will 
be  suggestive  and  encouraging  to  enumer- 
ate them  here  and  to  state  them  in  order  of 
importance,  or  rather  of  immediate  necessity. 
It  is  with  great  satisfaction  that  all  peace 
workers  can  remark  as  we  list  these  things 
that  many  of  them  seem  very  near  to  accom- 
plishment. 

The  first  thing  the  century  should  see  is  a 
permanent  court  of  arbitral  justice  firmly  es- 
tablished in  The  Hague,  at  the  time  of  the 
Third  Hague  Conference  in  1915.  The  out- 
look for  this  is  very  bright.  The  Secretary 
of  State  of  the  United  States  has  recently 

[113] 


T/ie  Peace  Proble 


7n 


sent  a  note  to  the  various  governments,  as 
we  saw  in  a  previous  chapter,  suggesting 
that  the  powers,  which  are  signatory  to  the 
recently  constituted  international  prize  court, 
establish  among  themselves  a  permanent 
court  of  international  justice,  regardless  of 
the  lesser  powers  which  blocked  the  way  at 
the  Second  Hague  Conference.  This  note 
has  met  with  enthusiastic  response — with 
such  response  indeed  that  Secretary  Knox 
has  publicly  announceed  that  the  Third 
Hague  Conference  would  find  the  court  al- 
ready constituted.  Be  this  so  or  not,  there 
ought  to  be  such  a  world-wide  sentiment  in 
demand  of  this  court  generated  between  now 
and  1915,  that  the  Third  Hague  Conference 
cannot  think  of  dissolving  its  sessions  with- 
out having  constituted  a  Permanent  Supreme 
Court  of  the  World. 

The  second  immediate  task  is  closely  re- 
lated to  this.  It  is  to  insist  that  all  the  na- 
tions present  at  the  Third  Hague  Conference 
sign  a  general  treaty  of  obligatory  arbitration 
binding  them  to  refer  as  many  classes  of  dis- 
putes as  can  be  got  into  the  treaty,  to  the 
Permanent  Court  of  Arbitral  Justice  if  consti- 
tuted, or  if  this  is  not  consummated,  to  the 

["4] 


The  Immediaie   Task 

Permanent  Tribunal  now  in  existence  and  be- 
fore which  the  Fisheries  Dispute  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  has  re- 
cently been  tried.  Such  a  treaty  was  almost 
concluded  at  the  Second  Hague  Conference, 
only  two  prominent  nations  opposing  it.  It 
must  be  signed  at  the  Third  Conference. 
The  people  must  insist  so  loudly  during  the 
next  five  years  that  the  conference  will  be 
forced  to  conclude  it.  We  should  insist,  too, 
that  all  possible  subjects  be  included  in  it. 
President  Taft  has  spoken  for  this  nation 
when  he  recently  said  future  arbitration  trea- 
ties should  include  all  subjects.  It  may  not 
be  possible  to  get  all  the  nations  to  sign  a 
general  treaty  so  absolute  and  so  universal, 
but  it  ought  to  be  possible  to  include  in  it, 
since  this  utterance  of  the  President  of  the 
United  States,  more  than  could  have  been  in- 
cluded at  the  Second  Conference. 

The  third  thing  that  should  be  consum- 
mated either  before  the  Third  Conference  or 
simultaneous  with  it,  is  a  League  of  Peace. 
There  are  two  ways  of  conceiving  of  the 
League  of  Peace.  One  as  a  consolidation  of 
the  navies  of  three  or  four  great  nations  into  a 
small  international  police  force  large  enough 

["5] 


The  Peace  Problem 

simply  to  enforce  the  decrees  of  the  Perma- 
nent Court  when  it  shall  be  in  operation  ;  the 
other  as  a  combination,  if  we  do  not  get  the 
Permanent  Court  soon,  of  the  three  or  four 
great  powers  with  their  then  irresistible  ar- 
maments, to  insist  that  all  the  rest  of  the  world 
keep  the  peace.  It  is  in  line  with  President 
Taft's  declaration  that  he  hoped  soon  to  see 
the  time  when  nineteen  nations  of  the  Western 
Continent  would  have  the  power  to  say  to  any 
other  two  about  to  enter  upon  war,  "  You  must 
stop."  Mr.  Andrew  Carnegie  and  ex- President 
Roosevelt  are  earnestly  advocating  this  league 
of  peace.  If  we  could  get  the  United  States, 
Great  Britain,  Germany  and  France  to  sign 
arbitration  treaties  among  themselves  agree- 
ing to  submit  everything  to  arbitration,  these 
nations  leagued  together  would  prevent  any 
two  other  nations  in  the  world  from  fighting 
each  other.  This  is  good,  but  not  so  good  as 
the  voluntary  submission  of  disputes  to  the 
Permanent  Court,  as  righteousness  secured 
by  superior  force  is  never  so  desirous  as  the 
righteousness  of  free-will.  But  war  between 
two  nations  disturbs  all  others.  The  com- 
petitive arming  of  two  nations  impoverishes 
all  others  by  frightening  them  also  into  arm- 

[Ii6] 


T/ie  Immediate   Task 

ing.  Therefore  if  the  three  or  four  most  civ- 
ilized nations  of  the  world  outgrow  war,  they 
have  a  right  to  insist  that  all  others  cease  from 
it  and  from  preparation  for  it. 

The  fourth  thing  in  importance  need  not 
wait  upon  any  of  these  others.  It  should  be 
concluded  at  once,  and  that  is  an  arbitration 
treaty  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
States  agreeing  to  submit  every  possible  kind 
of  dispute,  including  even  that  of  vital  hon- 
our, that  elusive  thing  which  no  statesman 
has  yet  defined,  to  the  Permanent  Tribunal 
at  The  Hague  for  the  present  and  after  the 
Supreme  Court  is  established,  to  that  forever. 
We  say  this  should  be  done  at  once,  for  we 
believe  it  could  be  done.  There  will  have 
elapsed  in  19 14  a  hundred  years  of  peace  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  Great  Britain. 
War  betw^een  the  two  nations  becomes  more 
and  more  unthinkable.  The  United  States 
should  have  the  honour  of  making  the  pro- 
posal. As  this  book  goes  to  press,  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  is  reported,  evi- 
dently on  quite  trustworthy  information  (the 
writer  has  private  information  to  the  same 
effect),  to  be  already  negotiating  such  a  treaty 
with  Great  Britain  and  that  the  preliminary 

[117] 


The  Peace  Proble 


m 


steps  with  the  British  ambassador  have  al- 
ready been  taken.  This  is  the  logical  action 
of  the  President  after  his  remarkable  declara- 
tion that  the  United  States  should  imme- 
diately conclude  such  a  treaty  with  some  great 
nation.  The  writer  has  reasons  to  believe 
that  a  large  group  in  Congress  would  enthu- 
siastically support  such  a  treaty.  If  the  United 
States  does  not  do  it  soon,  she  will  lose  the 
honour,  for  England  is  thinking  of  this  thing 
also.  A  large  committee  has  been  formed  to 
arrange  for  a  fitting  celebration  of  this  hun- 
dred years  of  peace.  Already  the  signing  of 
this  treaty  has  occurred  to  many  as  the  most 
fitting  celebration.  It  would  give  greatest 
impetus  to  the  peace  movement  of  anything 
that  could  just  now  be  done.  It  would  be 
the  beginning  of  the  end.  Other  nations 
would  simply  have  to  follow — forced  by  the 
irresistible  logic  of  evolution,  if  not  following 
willingly — as  we  believe  they  would.  If  every 
lover  of  peace  and  good-will  in  the  United 
States  will  talk  it  we  shall  have  it  in  two  years. 
The  fifth  thing  that  should  be  quickly  done 
in  every  nation  has  just  been  done  in  the 
United  States,  namely,  the  appointing  by  the 
nations  of   commissions   made   up   of   most 

[Ii8] 


The  Immediaie  T ask 


capable  men  to  study  means  of  hastening 
world  federation  and  checking  the  intolerable 
and  growing  world  burden  of  armaments. 
We  are  glad  to  say  that  in  June  of  1910  both 
the  Senate  and  the  House  of  Representatives 
passed  a  bill  authorizing  the  President  of  the 
United  States  to  appoint  a  commission  of  five 
members  "  to  consider  the  expediency  of  util- 
izing existing  international  agencies  for  the 
purpose  of  limiting  the  armaments  of  the  na- 
tions of  the  world  by  international  agreement, 
and  of  constituting  the  combined  navies  of 
the  world  an  international  force  for  the  pres- 
ervation of  universal  peace."  This  commis- 
sion is  to  report  at  the  end  of  two  years  and 
its  report  will  logically  be  the  basis  of  action 
for  the  delegates  of  the  United  States  to  the 
Third  Hague  Conference. 

The  sixth  thing  that  should  be  increased 
greatly  is  the  practice  of  international  hospi- 
tality by  governments  themselves.  As  we 
saw,  it  is  a  widely  prevalent  and  growing  cus- 
tom among  individuals  and  societies.  But  it 
should  now  be  made  a  constant  occurrence 
among  governments.  One  parliament  should 
invite  the  parliament  of  another  nation  to  be 
its  guests.     One  government  should  invite 

[119] 


The  Peace  Problem 

the  other  governments  to  send  delegates  to 
discuss  the  conservation  of  the  common  good 
things  of  the  world,  as  ex- President  Roose- 
velt suggested  when  in  office.  Cabinets  / 
should  exchange  visits.  It  would  be  a  good  ,^ 
thing  if  the  United  States  would  invite  King 
George  of  England,  or  the  Emperor  William 
of  Germany,  or  the  President  of  France  to  be 
its  guest  for  a  month.  But  every  visit  of  one 
nation  as  the  guest  of  another  strengthens 
the  friendly  union  of  those  nations  and  pro- 
motes mutual  regard  and  understanding, 
which  is  a  pledge  of  peace. 

These  are  all  concrete  things  to  work  for, 
things  that  can  be  done  by  votes  and  actions 
of  official  bodies.  But  there  are  other  things 
of  no  less  importance  inasmuch  as  they 
make  possible  the  accomplishment  of  these 
outward  things.  We  refer  of  course  to  the 
cultivation  of  a  new  sentiment,  the  creation  of 
a  new  spirit,  the  acquiring  of  a  new  outlook 
on  life,  a  new  theory  of  human  relationships. 
So  the  propaganda  of  the  new  idealism,  the 
new  social  theory  should  go  on  with  re- 
newed vigour.  The  new  day  is  near.  The 
friends  of  the  old  know  this  and  are  de- 
fending the  old  with  a  dying  man's  strength. 

[  120] 


The  Immediate   Task 

Eagerness  and  real  passion  for  the  new 
will  greatly  hasten  the  day  that  is  surely 
dawning. 

First,  we  must  show  this  generation  that 
militarism  is  a  survival  of  an  old  and  ancient 
order  that  had  its  origin  in  monarchies  and 
feudalism  and  in  the  days  of  despotism,  but 
that  it  is  an  anachronism  in  the  days  of  democ- 
racy. Democracy  is  based  on  justice,  not  on 
force.  Its  law  is  brotherhood,  not  iron  and 
power.  It  rests  on  the  good-will  of  men 
towards  each  other  and  a  recognition  of 
common  rights,  not  on  armies  and  navies. 
For  two  kings  to  go  to  war  in  olden  times 
and  use  their  subjects  as  pawns  in  their 
deadly  games  may  have  been  natural,  but 
for  two  free  republics  to  go  to  destroying  each 
other  is  a  contradiction  of  the  very  nature 
of  the  new  political  order.  For  what  have 
men  striving  for  happiness  and  welfare  in  one 
nation  got  to  do  with  killing  their  brother 
men  who  are  pursuing  the  same  struggles 
and  the  same  ideals?  Hold  up  militarism,  as 
we  do  other  relics  of  feudalism  that  persist  in 
democracy,  to  ridicule.  Teach  the  children 
that  it  is  outgrown  as  old  theologies,  old 
sciences,  old  philosophies,  old  servitudes,  old 
monarchical  forms,  old  duels  are  outgrown. 

[121] 


The  Peace  Problem 

Show  them  that  the  watchword  oi  this  day 
is  justice.  But  wars  never  settle  justice  nor 
righteousness  but  only  which  nation  is  strong- 
est or  can  endure  longest  or  has  most  skill 
in  killing.  A  people  who  love  justice  and 
desire  it  can  have  no  further  use  for  armies 
and  navies  except  as  small  groups  are  needed 
for  policing  the  nation.  Show  them  how 
vast  armies  and  navies  imperil  democracy 
because  they  put  vaster  and  vaster  power  in 
the  hands  of  the  executive  and  central  gov- 
ernment to  use  against  the  people.  Show 
them  how  this  very  thing  makes  democracy 
impossible  in  Russia.  The  nation  tries  to  , 
have  a  parliament.  But  the  Tzar  with  hls^ 
great  army  nullifies  the  people's  every  wish. 
The  immediate  task  is  to  teach  the  world  that 
militarism  and  democracy  are  as  impossible 
in  the  same  nation  as  mammon  and  God  in 
the  same  heart. 

/Secondly  we  must  spread  the  new  gospel 
'of  brotherhood  with  even  increasing  ardour. 
Fortunately  for  the  cause  of  world  federation 
it  is  the  one  gospel  to  which  the  common 
man  leaps  more  and  more.  But  we  must 
show  men  that  the  racial  traits,  the  accidents 
of  birth,  the  languages,  the  tongues,  even 
the    habits    of    mind    and    heart    acquired 

[  122  ] 


The  Immediate   Task 

through  long  national  ancestries  are  the 
superficial  traits  and  distinctions  of  human- 
ity, while  the  real  traits  are  those  that  are 
universal,  the  common  powers  of  loving  and 
suffering  and  enjoying ;  the  common  ideal 
and  aspirations,  the  common  successes  and 
defeats.  The  things  that  are  the  same  in  all 
nations  are  the  deepest  traits  in  every  nation. 
Germans,  French  and  English  are  all  alike 
here.  These  superficial  traits  in  the  past 
have  been  chief.  Now  they  are  passing  and 
the  common  human  qualities  are  seen  to  be 
chiefest  of  all.  This  was  Jesus'  thought  for 
the  kingdom.  Men  have  perverted  it. 
Now  we  are  again  learning  Paul's  lesson 
that  God  "  made  of  otte  every  nation  of  men 
for  to  dwell  on  all  the  face  of  the  earth." 
Many  things  are  causing  this  conception  to 
rise  among  the  people — democracy,  the 
deepening  hold  of  real  Christianity,  the 
transfer  of  emphasis  in  the  Church  from  next- 
worldliness  to  a  righteous  this-worldliness, 
the  federation  of  the  working  people,  the 
bringing  of  the  world  into  one  neighbour- 
hood by  telegraph  and  steam.  Added  to 
this  the  living  together  of  many  nations  in 
one  nation,  as  a  result  of  immigration,  to  some 
time  become  one  people,  has  proven  to  the 

[  123  ] 


The  Peace  Problem 

world  this  truth.  Let  us  hold  it  up  now 
more  fervently  than  ever — The  common 
interests  are  greater  than  any  racial  or 
national  interests.  But  war  always  destroys 
the  community  of  the  world  to  entrench  again 
a  pai?ticular  trait  of  humanity. 

Lastly,  we  need  to  teach  the  children  the 
n^  patriotism.  The  old  patriotism  has 
-^been  like  the  old  sectarianism  in  religion — it 
thought  everybody  unsaved  and  foreign  who 
was  not  of  its  own  communion.  The  de- 
nomination v/as  emphasized  more  than 
Christianity.  It  was  typified  in  the  remark 
of  a  certain  New  England  deacon :  '*  I  may 
be  a  poor  Christian  but  I'm  a  good  Baptist." 
So  the  old  patriotism  has  almost  made  us 
feel  that  all  outside  our  own  nation  were 
inferiors,  queer,  unfavoured,  strange  foreign- 
ers, worst  of  all  our  natural  enemies.  The 
new  patriotism  teaches  us  to  love  our 
country  just  as  much,  yea,  more,  but  at  the 
same  time,  as  in  the  new  church  unity,  it 
teaches  that  men  of  other  nations  are  not 
foreign  nor  alien,  that  they  are  very  much 
like  ourselves,  that  they  live  and  behave 
very  much  as  we  do,  that  God  has  favoured 
them  as  much  as  us,  that  German,  French- 
man, Englishman  has  many  good  qualities 

[124] 


The  I minediate   Task 

we  have  not,  that  we  can  learn  much  from 
them : — above  all  that  they  have  no  more 
hatred  towards  us  than  we  have  to  them.  It 
is  a  very  small  nature  that  is  continually 
imputing  to  other  people  attitudes  and  base 
purposes  it  does  not  itself  entertain  towards 
others.^  If  the  United  States  is  not  deliber- 
ately planning  to  invade  Japan  it  is  only  a 
sign  of  her  littleness  that  she  continually 
suspects  Japan  of  the  purpose  of  invading 
us.  Honourable  and  noble  men,  and  just, 
strong  nations,  do  not  impute  motives  to 
others  which  they  do  not  entertain  them- 
selves. As  a  matter  of  fact  there  is  not  a 
man  in  all  the  United  States  who  gives  a 
thought  to  invading  any  country.  Who  is 
silly  enough  to  believe  the  English  or  Ger- 
man people  are  thinking  any  more  of  in- 
vasions than  are  we?  So  the  new  patriotism 
will  recognize  all  the  world  as  its  home,  all 
nations  necessary  to  make  up  a  ripe  and 
symmetrical  humanity,  each  race  contributing 
its  own ;  and  will  love  its  own  country  more 
that  it  may  make  it  beautiful  and  just  to 
play  its  part  in  the  evolution  of  all  humanity 
towards  this  consummation.  The  old  pa- 
triotism sings  forever  of  dying  for  one's 
country.     The    new    patriotism    emphasizes 

[125] 


The  Peace   Problem 

living  for  it.  And  sometimes  it  seems  to 
take  more  courage  to  live  for  it  than  to  die 
for  it.  As  one  of  the  men  who  charged  up 
San  Juan  Hill  once  said  to  the  writer,  "  It 
was  much  easier  for  me  to  face  Spanish 
bullets  in  one  exciting  charge  than  to  face  a 
bribe  of  $10,000  a  year  to  give  my  knowl- 
edge of  law  to  a  nefarious  enterprise.  My 
real  battle  came  when,  as  a  poor  lawyer,  I 
fought  that  battle."  We  must  show  our 
youth  that  there  is  little  likelihood  of  their 
being  asked  to  act  as  targets  for  British 
bullets,  but  that  the  nation  is  suffering  for  a 
lack  of  pure,  just,  honourable  men  in  politics 
and  business  and  industry — men  who  will 
not  soil  their  hands,  nor  sell  their  principles, 
nor  forfeit  their  purity,  nor  degrade  their 
ideals  to  those  of  the  market-place,  nor  have 
anything  to  do  with  bribes  and  lies,  nor  set 
personal  gain  above  the  states'  welfare  in 
politics ;  show  our  boys  that  this  is  real 
patriotism  to  so  live  that  the  country  will  be 
juster,  fairer,  happier  for  their  devoted  lives. 
The  old  patriotism  asks  our  boys  to  be  ready 
to  defend  us  from  outside  enemies.  The 
new  patriotism  must  show  our  boys  that  its 
outside  enemies  are  as  pygmies  and  as 
dreams,  compared  with   its  inside  enemies, 

[126] 


The  Immediate    Task 

those  serpents  in  its  own  breast.  Show 
them  that  at  present  there  is  no  sign  that  the 
United  States  has  a  single  enemy  among  the 
nations  of  the  world,  nor  will  have  so  long 
as  she  practices  justice.  Show  them  that 
her  real  enemies  are  her  traitorous  children 
who  live  off  her  and  rob  her  and  despoil  her 
people,  while  often  crying  patriotism  loudest 
— corrupt  legislators,  unscrupulous  party 
leaders,  takers  of  bribes  in  senates,  politicians 
who  squeeze  the  tills  of  great  cities  and  take 
commissions  on  sales  and  contracts,  grafters, 
patent  medicine  firms,  adulterators  of  foods, 
liquor  sellers,  brewers,  procurers,  employers 
who  grind  down  the  poor  and  employ  little 
children,  lawbreakers  both  in  trusts  and  in 
housebreaking,  defenders  of  mob-rule,  pro- 
moters of  race  hatreds : — these  are  our  real 
enemies,  our  deadly  ones,  those  for  whom 
we  may  have  real  fear.  Then  there  are 
tuberculosis,  typhoid  and  a  hundred  diseases 
eating  at  our  hearts.  These  are  the  things 
our  youth  must  defend  us  from.  Just  at 
present  they  threaten  the  nation  a  thousand 
times  as  much  as  any  foreign  foe.  Real 
patriotism  is  the  determination  to  expel  them 
from  the  nation.  They  are  also  the  foes 
common  to  all  the  world. 

[  127  ] 


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